L 114 Livy History Of Rome I: 1 2

Complete list of Loeb titles can be
found at the end of each volume

LIVY (Titus Livius) the great Roman
historian was born at or near Patavium
(Padua) in 59 B.C. and from early manhood
onwards lived mostly at Rome until
shortly before his death in a.d. 17, and
although never in sympathy with the
establishment of the imperial age by
Augustus became a friend of that emperor.
His only extant work is part of his history
of Rome (which he called Annates) from
the foundation of the city to 9 B.C. in
142 books. Of them we have in number
35 only, and short summaries of all the
rest except two. The whole work was,
long after his death, divided into Decades
or series of 10. Books 1-10 we have
entire ; books 1 1-20 are lost; books 2 1-45
are entire, except parts of 41 and 43. Of
the rest only fragments and the summaries
remain. In splendid style Livy, a man of
wide sympathies and proud of Rome's
past, presented an uncritical but clear
and living narrative of the rise of Rome to
greatness.

THE LOEB CLASSICAL LIBRARY

FOUNDED BY JAMES LOEB, LL.D.
EDITED BY

E. H. WARMLNGTON, m.a., f.e.hist.soc.

FORMER EDITORS

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LIVY
I

BOOKS I AND II

114

LIVY

IN FOURTEEN VOLUMES
I

BOOKS I AND II
WITH AN ENGLISH TRANSLATION BY

B. O. FOSTER, Ph.D.

OF STANFORD UNIVERSITY

CAMBRIDGE, MASSACHUSETTS

HARVARD UNIVERSITY PRESS

LONDON

WILLIAM HEINEMANN LTD

First printed 1919
Reprinted 1925, 1939, 1952, 1957, 1961, 1967

TO

A. L. F.

Printed in Great Britain

CONTENTS

PAGE

translator's preface vii

INTRODUCTION ix

BOOK I 1

SUMMARY OF BOOK I 211

BOOK II 217

SUMMARY OF BOOK II 435

INDEX 441

MAPS-
ROME IN THE REGAL PERIOD At end

WESTERN CENTRAL ITALY

V

Digitized by the Internet Archive
in 2007 with funding from
Microsoft Corporation

http ://www. arc h i ve . org/d etai I s/l i vy 0 1 1 ivy

TRANSLATOR'S PREFACE

The Latin text of this volume has been set up
from that of the ninth edition (1908) of Book I.,
and the eighth edition (1894) of Book II., by Weis-
senborn and M uller, except that the Periochae have
been reprinted from the text of Rossbach (1910).
But the spelling is that adopted by Professors
Conway and Walters in their critical edition of
Books I.-V, (Oxford, 1914), which is the source also
of a number of readings which differ from those given
in the Weissenborn-Mtiller text, and has furnished,
besides, the materials from which the textual notes
have been drawn up. I have aimed to indicate
every instance where the reading printed does not
rest on the authority of one or more of the good
MSS., and to give the author of the emendation.
The MSS. are often cited by the symbols given in
the Oxford edition, but for brevity's sake I have
usually employed two of my own, viz. Q and r.
The former means " such of the good MSS. as are
not cited for other readings," the latter "one or
more of the inferior MSS, and early printed edi-
tions." Anyone who wishes more specific informa-
tion regarding the source of a variant will consult

vii

PREFACE

the elaborate apparatus of the Oxford text, whose
editors have placed all students of the first decade
under lasting obligations by their thorough and
minute report of the MSS. With the publication
of their second volume there will be available for
the first time an adequate diplomatic basis for the
criticism of Books I.— X.

I have utilized throughout the translations by
Philemon Holland, George Baker, and Canon
Roberts, and have occasionally borrowed a happy
expression from the commentaries of Edwards,
Conway, and others, mentioned in the introduction.
The unpretentious notes in the college edition of
my former teacher, the late Professor Greenough,
have been particularly useful in pointing out the
significance of the word-order.

Acknowledgments are also due to my colleagues,
Professors Fairclough, Hempl, Cooper, and Briggs,
and to Professor Noyes of the University of Cali-
fornia, each of whom has given me some good
suggestions.

B. O. F.

Stanford University, California.
1919.

viii

INTRODUCTION

I

From entries in Jerome's re-working of the
Chronicle of Eusebius we learn that Titus Livius the
Patavian was born in 59 b.c., the year of Caesar's
first consulship, and <Jied in his native town (the
modern Padua) in 17 a.d. Of his parents nothing is
known. They were presumably well-to-do, for their
son received the training in Greek and Latin
literature and in rhetoric which constituted the
standard curriculum of that time, and was afterwards
able to devote a long life to the unremunerative work
of writing. That he was by birth an aristocrat is no
more than an inference from his outstanding sym-
pathy with the senatorial party. Livy's childhood
witnessed the conquest of Gaul and Caesar's rapid
rise to lordship over the Roman world. These early
years he doubtless passed in his northern home.
Patavium laid claim to great antiquity. Livy tells
us himself in his opening chapter the legend of its
founding by the Trojan Antenor, and elsewhere
describes with unmistakable satisfaction the vain
attempt of the Spartan Cleonymus (in 302 b.c.) to

ix

INTRODUCTION

subdue the Patavians.1 They defended themselves
with equal vigour and success against the aggressions
of the Etruscans and the inroads of the Gauls, and
in the war with Hannibal cast in their lot with
Rome. In 49 B.C., when Livy was ten years old, the
town became a Roman municipality and its citizens
were enrolled in the Fabian tribe. The place was a
great centre of trade, especially in wool,2 and under
Augustus was perhaps the wealthiest city in Italy,
next to Rome,3 to which in some respects it
presented a striking contrast, since the Patavians
maintained the simple manners and strict morality
which had long gone out of fashion in the cosmo-
politan capital.4 We cannot say how old Livy was
when he left Patavium, but it is probable that his
tastes and character had been permanently influenced
by the old-world traditions of his native town. Did he
go to Rome with the intention of pursuing there the
career of a rhetorician and subsequently become
interested in historical studies ? It may have been

1 Liv. x. ii. There were many living in his own day, Livy
says, who had seen the beaks of the ships captured from
Clconymus, which were preserved as trophies in the temple
of Juno.

2 Martial, xiv. cxliii., speaks of the thickness of Patavian
tunics.

3 Strabo, in. clxix. and v. ccxiii.; cf. Nissen, Italische
Landeskunde, 2, p. 220.

4 Plin. Epist. i. xiv. 6, says of a young protege: "His
maternal grandmother is Sarrana Procula, from the muni-
cipality of Patavium. You know the manners of the
place ; yet Serrana is a pattern of strictness even to the
Patavians."

X

INTRODUCTION

so. Perhaps he had already resolved to write
history and wished to make use of the libraries and
other sources of information which were lacking in a
provincial town. Certain passages in his earlier
books 1 indicate that he was already familiar with
the City when he began his great work, about 27 b.c.,2
and a reference to a .conversation with Augustus in
Book IV. seems to argue that it was not long till he
was on a friendly footing with the Emperor.3 He
doubtless continued * to reside in Rome, with oc-
casional visits to Patayium and other places in Italy,
till near the end of bis long life.

Livy seems never ..to have held any public office,
but to have given himself up entirely to literature.
Seneca says that he wrote dialogues which one
might classify under history as well as under philo-
sophy, besides books which were professedly philo-
sophical.4 And Quintilian quotes a letter from Livy
to his son which was very likely an essay on the
training of the orator, for in the passage cited he
advises the young man to read Demosthenes and
Cicero, and then such as most nearly resembled

1 e.g. i. iv. 5 ; I. viii. 5 ; I. xxvi. 13.

2 It could not well have been earlier than 27, for in I. xix.
3 and iv. xx. 7 Octavian is mentioned with the title of
Augustus, which the senate only conferred on him in January
of that year. Nor may we put the date much later, for in
mentioning the occasions on which the temple of Janus had
been closed (i. xix. 3) Livy has nothing to say of the second
of the two closings which took place in his own life-time, —
namely that of 25 B.C.

8 Liv. iv. xx. 7. 4 Sen. Ejnst. 100. 9.

xi

INTRODUCTION

them.1 So, in another place, Quintilian tells us
that he finds in Livy that there was a certain
teacher who bade his pupils obscure what they said.2
It may have been in this same essay that he made
the criticism on Sallust which seemed to the elder
Seneca to be unjust, — that he had not only appro-
priated a sentence from Thucydides but had spoilt
it in the process.3 And there is another passage in
Seneca where Livy is credited with having quoted
approvingly a mot of the rhetorician Miltiades against
orators who affected archaic and sordid words, which
may also be an echo of the letter.4 If Livy was
about thirty-two years old when he began to write
history it is probable that this essay was composed
some years later, for it is unlikely to have been
written before the son was about sixteen.5 We may
therefore think of the historian as putting aside his
magnum opus for a season, to be of use in the
education of the boy, who, whether or no he
profited by his father's instructions in rhetoric, at all
events became a writer, and is twice named by the
elder Pliny as one of his authorities, in Books V. and
VI. of the Natural History, which deal with geography.
In a sepulchral inscription found in Padua, which
may be that of our Livy, two sons are named — Titus
Livius Priscus and Titus Livius Longus, — and their

1 Quint, x. i. 39 {cf. n. v. 20).

2 Quint, vin. ii. 18. 3 Sen. Controv. ix. i. 14.
4 Ibid. ix. ii. 26.

6 Schanz, Gtschichte der romischen Litteratur, ii3. 1, p. 419.
xii

INTRODUCTION

mother's name is given as Cassia.1 The only other
item of information we possess about the family is
supplied by the elder Seneca, who mentions a son-in-
law, named Lucius Magius, as a declaimer who had
some following for a time, though men rather
endured him for the sake of his father-in-law than
praised him for his own.2

Of Livy's social life in Rome we know nothing more
than that he enjoyed the friendship of Augustus, and
probably, as we have seen, from an early date in his
stay in Rome.8 The intimacy was apparently main-
tained till the end of the Emperor's life, for it cannot
have been much before a.d. 14 that Livy, as related
by Suetonius,4 advised his patron's grand-nephew
Claudius (born 9 b.c.) to take up the writing of history.
The good relations subsisting between the Emperor
and the historian do honour to the sense and candour of
both. Livy gloried in the history of the republic,
yet he could but acquiesce in the new order of things.
And the moral and religious reforms of Augustus,
his wish to revive the traditions of an elder day, his
respect for the forms inherited from a time when
Rome was really governed by a senate, must have
commanded Livy's hearty approval. On the other

1 G.I.L. v. 2975 ( = Dessau, Inscriptiones Latinae Sehctae,
2919) : T. Liviua C. f. sibi eWsuis/T. Livio T. f. Frisco f., /
T. Livio T. f. Longo f. . / Cassiae Sex. f. Primae / uxori.

2 Sen. Controv. x. praef. 2.

3 It is just possible that the conversation with Augustus
mentioned in iv. xx. 7 took place at some time after the
original publication of that book, and that the reference was
inserted later. 4 Suet. Claud, xli.

xiii

INTRODUCTION

side, when Livy's great history was appealing to men's
patriotism and displaying the ideal Rome as no other
literary work (with the possible exception of the
contemporaneous Aeneid) had ever done, it was easy
for the Emperor to smile at the scholar's exaggerated
admiration of Pompey,1 and even to overlook the
frankness of his query whether more of good or of
harm had come to the state from the birth of Julius
Caesar.2 Livy died three years after Augustus, in
17 a.d., at the ripe age of 76. If he continued work-
ing at his history up to the last he had devoted more
than 40 years to the gigantic enterprise. Jerome says
that he died in Patavium. We can only conjecture
whether he was overtaken by death while making a
visit to his old home, or had retired thither, with the
coming in of the new regime, to spend his declining
years. The latter is perhaps the more likely assump-
tion. The character of Tiberius can have possessed
little claim to the sympathy of Livy, and life in Rome
may well have lost its charm for him, now that his
old patron was no more.

1 Tacitus, Amu iv. xxxiv., describing the trial of Cremu-
tius Cordus for lese-majeste on the ground that he had
published annals in which he praised Brutus and styled
Cassius the " last of the Romans," makes Cremutius say in
his defence : '* Titus Livius, pre-eminent for eloquence^ and
candour, so lauded Pompey that Augustus called him a
Pompeian ; yet it made no difference in their friendship."

4 Sen. Nat. QuaesL v. xviii. 4.

xiv

INTRODUCTION

II

Livy seems to have called his history simply Ab
Urbe Condita, "From the Founding of the City,"1
just as Tacitus was later to call his Annals Ah
Excessu Divi Augusti, "From the death of the Divine
Augustus." He began with the legend of Aeneas,
and brought his narrative down to the death of Drusus
(and the defeat of Quintilius Varus ? 2) in 9 b.c.
There is no reason to think that Livy intended, as
some have supposed, to go on to the death of
Augustus. In the preface to one of the lost books
he remarked that he had already earned enough of
reputation and might have ceased to write, were
it not that his restless spirit was sustained by
work.3 He probably toiled on till his strength
failed him, with no fixed goal in view, giving his
history to the public in parts, as these were severally
completed. The following table, taken from Schanz,4
is an attempt to reconstruct these instalments :

Books I.-V. From the founding of the City to its
conquest by the Gauls (387-386 b.c).

1 Livy once refers to his work as "my annals" (in meos
annates, xliii. xiii. 2), and Pliny, N.1I praef. 16, speaks
of a certain volume of Livy's "histories," but these are
merely generic names.

2 The Periocha of Book CXLII. ends with these events, but
the mention of Varus, which is found in only one MS., is
generally regarded as a late addition. Its genuineness is,
however, upheld by Rossbach, in his edition, ad lot.

3 Plin. I.e.

4 Ge.schichte der rdmischen Litteratur, ii3. 1, p. 421.

INTRODUCTION

VI.-XV. To the subjugation of Italy (265 B.C.).

XV I. -XX. The Punic wars to the beginning of
the war with Hannibal (219 B.C.).

XXI.-XXX. The war with Hannibal (to 201 B.C.).

XXXI.-XL. To the death of King Philip of
Macedon (179 B.C.).

XLI.-LXX. To the outbreak of the Social War

(91 B.C.).

LXXI.-LXXX. The Social War to the death of
Marius(86 B.C.).

LXXXI.-XC. To the death of Sulla (78 B.C.).

XCI.-CVIII. From the war with Sertorius to the
Gallic War (58 B.C.).

CIX.-CXVI. From the beginning of the Civil
Wars to the death of Caesar (44 B.C.).

CXVII.-CXXXIII. To the death of Antony and
Cleopatra (30 B.C.).

CXXXIV-CXLII. The principate of Augustus
to the death of Drusus (9 B.C.).

It will be noticed that certain portions fall natur-
ally into decades (notably XXI. -XXX. ), or pentads
(e.g. I.-V.). Elsewhere, and particularly in that part
of the work which deals with the writer's own times,
no such symmetry is discernible. Later however it
became the uniform practice of the copyists to
divide the history into decades. This is clearly seen
in the wholly distinct and independent MS. tradition
of the several surviving sections.

Only about a quarter of the whole work has been

xvi

INTRODUCTION

preserved. We have the Preface and Books I.-X.,
covering the period from Aeneas to the year 293 d.c;
Books XXI.-XXX. describing the Second Punic
War; and Books XXXI. -XLV., which continue the
story of Rome's conquests down to the year 167 b.c.
and the victories of Lucius Aemilius Paulus.1

For the loss of the other books the existence from
the first century of our era of a handy abridgment
is no doubt largely responsible. It is to this Martial
alludes in the following distich (xiv. cxc.) :

Pellibus exiguis artatur Livius ingens,
Quern mea non totum bibliotheca capit.2
If we had this Epitome 3 it would be some slight
compensation for the disappearance of the original
books, but we have only a compend of it, the
so-called Periochae, and certain excerpts thought to
have been made from another summary of it, no
longer extant, which scholars refer to as the
Chronicon, to wit, the fragments of the Oxyrhynchus
Papyrus, the Prodigiorum Liber of Obsequens, and
the consular lists of Cassiodorius.

The Periochae, or summaries of the several Books
(only CXXXVI. and CXXXVII. are wanting), are the

1 Books XLI.-XLV. contain many lacunae.
1 Thus translated by Professor Duff :

In vellum small huge Livy now is dreBsed ;
My bookshelves could not hold him uncompressed.
3 See Schanz, op. cit. ii3. 1, pp. 425-428. H. A. Sanders,
"The Lost Epitome of Livy" (in Roman Historical Sources
and In-ttitutions, p. 257), makes the interesting suggestion that
it may have been written by Livy's son.

xvii

INTRODUCTION

most valuable of these sources for supplying the gaps
in our text of Livy. Their author narrates briefly
what seem to him the leading events in each book,
adding a reference to other matters treated in the
original.1 The Periochae are thus a kind of com-
promise between a book of excerpts for the use of
readers who for any reason could not or would not go
to the unabridged Livy, and a table of contents
for the convenience of those who did.2 They are
usually printed with editions of Livy, and are
included in this one. It may be noted here that
Per. I. exists in a double recension, of which B
appears from its style to be of a piece with those
of all the other books, while A is thought to have
come from the Chronicon.

In 1903 a papyrus was discovered at Oxyrhynchus
which contained fragments of a compend of Roman
history which was based on Livy, though it seems
not to have been taken from Livy directly but from
the Chronicon, which was also, as we have said,
the source of Obsequens and Cassiodorius. The
MS. is assigned to the third century, and the book
must therefore have been composed in that or a still
earlier period. It contains eight columns of uncial
writing. Of these 1-3 preserve a selection of the
events recorded in Livy, Books XXXVII.-XL.,
(which we have), while 4-8 deal with the subject-

1 See e.g. the last sentence of Per. II., p. 438.

2 Schanz, p. 425.

xviii

INTRODUCTION

matter of Books XLVIII.-LV. But there is a
column gone between column 6 and column 7, which
treated of the years 143 and 142 b.c.

Magnus Aurelius Cassiodorius Senator lived about
480 to 57 5 , and was Consul in 514, under Theodoric.
Among his writings was a chronicle, from Adam to
a.d. 519. For the earlier periods he used Eusebius
and Jerome, but from the expulsion of Tarquinius
to a.d. 31 he names as his authorities Titus Livius
and Aufidius Bassus. His list of consuls for this
period shows kinship with the Oxyrhynckus Papyrus
and Obsequens.

In his Prodigiorum Liber Julius Obsequens
enumerates in chronological order the portents
which occurred from the year 190 to the year
12 b.c. In its original form the catalogue probably
began, as the title in the MS. indicates,1 with the
year 249. The little book is of unknown date :
Schanz thinks it is a product of the fourth century
of our era, when paganism made its last struggle
against Christianity.2 Rossbach inclines to a some-
what earlier date.8 In any case Rossbach has shown
that the author was a believer in prodigies, and
therefore a pagan.

1 Iulii Obsequentis Ab Anno Urbis Conditae DV Pro-
digiorum Liber.

2 Schanz, Bom. Lit. iv2. 1, p. 85.
8 See his edition, p. xxxiii.

xix

INTRODUCTION

III

In his preface to the whole work Livy gives a satis-
factory account of his conception of history and the
ends he himself had in view. He begins with an
apology for adding to the already large number of
Roman histories. Those who attempt this theme
hope, he says, to surpass their predecessors either in
accuracy or style, and it is doing Livy no injustice to
infer that in his own case it was the belief that he
could make the story of Rome more vivid and read-
able than anyone had yet done which gave him the
courage to undertake the task. But whether he suc-
ceeds or not, he will be glad, he tells us, to have done
what he could for the memory of the foremost people
of the world. He recognizes the immense labour
which confronts him, in consequence of the more
than seven hundred years which he must deal with,
and admits that it will be labour thrown away on
most of his readers, who will have little patience with
the earlier history in their eagerness to be reading of
the civil wars and the events of their own generation.
" I myself, on the contrary," he continues — and the
sentiment reveals at once the man's romantic spirit —
"shall seek in this an additional reward for my toil,
that I may turn my back upon the evils which our
age has witnessed for so many years, so long at least as
I am absorbed in the recollection of the brave days
xx

INTRODUCTION

of old." 1 He refers to the marvellous tales which
were associated with the founding of the City as to
matters of no great consequence. He declines to
vouch for their authenticity, though he means to set
them down as he finds them ; and he apparently re-
gards them as possessing a certain symbolic truth, at
least. But the really important thing in Rome's
history is the way her power was founded on morality
and discipline, waxed mighty with the maintenance of
these, and was now fallen upon evil days through
their decay. For the use of historical study lies in
its application to life. The story of a great people
is fraught with examples and warnings, both for the
individual and for the state. And no nation is better
worth studying than Rome, for in none did righteous-
ness and primitive simplicity so long resist the en-
croachments of wealth and luxury.

It was the ethical aspect of history then that chiefly
appealed to Livy, and he chose Rome for his subject
because the rise of the Roman empire seemed to him
the best example of the fruition of those qualities
which he wished to inculcate. To do this he must
first of all win the interest of his readers, and if
morality is his goal, style is certainly the road by
which he hopes to lead men towards it. We must
therefore fix our attention on these two things if we
would approach Livy's work in the spirit of his

1 In another passage (xliii. xiii. 2} Livy tells us that when
he is writing of old-world things his spirit somehow becomes
old-fashioned.

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INTRODUCTION

ancient readers, and understand their almost unquali-
fied approval of it.

For Livy's success was both immediate and lasting.
I have already referred to the frank way in which he
himself recognized his fame, in the preface to one of
the books of his History, and the younger Pliny tells
a delightful story of an enthusiastic Spanish admirer
who travelled from Cadiz to Rome solely to behold
the great writer, and having gratified his curiosity
returned forthwith to his home.1 Livy's magnanimity
was warmly praised by the elder Seneca, who said
that he was by nature a most candid judge of all
great talents,2 and it is a striking testimony to the
justice of this observation that the modern reader's
admiration for Hannibal is largely a reflection of
Livy's, which all his prejudice against Rome's most
formidable enemy could not altogether stifle. Tacitus
too admired Livy, whom he considered the most elo-
quent of the older historians, as Fabius Rusticus was
of the more recent.3 Quintilian compared him with
Herodotus, and spoke of the wonderful fascination
of his narrative, his great fairness, and the inex-
pressible eloquence of the speeches, in which every-
thing was suited not only to the circumstances but to
the speaker.4 Quintilian also praised his represent-

1 Plin. Ep. ii. iii. 8. 2 Sen. Suaa. vi. 22.

3 Agric. x. and the passage already quoted from the
Annals (iv. xxxiv.).

4 Quint. Inst. Or, x. i. 101. There are some 400 of these
inserted speeches in the extant text, some consisting of only

xxii

INTRODUCTION

ation of the emotions, particularly the gentler ones,
in which field he said he had no superior. Livy
shared with Virgil the honour of being the most
widely read of Latin writers, and in consequence
incurred the resentment of the mad Caligula, who
lacked but little of casting out their works and their
portraits from all the libraries, alleging of Livy that
he was verbose and careless.1 Even Quintilian could
tax him with prolixity,2 though he seems to have
owned that it was but the defect of a quality, for he
elsewhere speaks of his "milky richness." 3 The only
other jarring note in the general chorus of admiration
is sounded by the critic Asinius Pollio, who reproached
Livy's style with " Patavinity," by which he perhaps
meant that it was tainted with an occasional word or
idiom peculiar to the historian's native dialect.4 Owing
chiefly to its intrinsic excellence, but partly no doubt
to the accidental circumstance that it covered the
whole field of Roman History, Livy's work became
the standard source-book from which later writers
were to draw their materials. We have already seen
how it was epitomized and excerpted. Other writers
who took their historical data from Livy were Lucan

a few lines, while others run to a length of several pages.
Under Domitian a certain Mettius Pompusius made a col-
lection of speeches by kings and generals which he took from
Livy ( Suet. Dom. x. 3).

1 Suet. Calig. xxxiv. (c/. Schanz, p. 439.)

2 Quint. Inst. Or. vm. iii. 53. 3 Ibid. x. i. 32.

4 Ibid. vm. i. 3. Pollio was also severe upon Caesar,
Cicero, Catullus and Sallust !

xxiii

INTRODUCTION

and Silius Italicus., Asconius, Valerius Maximus,
Frontinus, Florus, and the Greeks Cassius Dio and
Plutarch. Avienus, in the fourth century, turned
Livy into iambic senarii, a tour de force which has not
come down to us.1 In the fifth he is cited by Pope
Gelasius,2 and the grammarian Priscian used him in
the sixth. Comparatively little read in the Middle
Ages, Livy found a warm admirer in Dante, who used
him in the second book of his De Monarchia, and in
the Divina Commedia refers to him naively as £c Livio
. . . che non crra." 3 The Italians of the Renaissance
seized upon Livy's History with avidity. The poet
Beccadelli sold a country-place to enable him to pur-
chase a copy by the hand of Poggio. Petrarch was
among those who hoped for the recovery of the lost
decades, and Pope Nicholas V. exerted himself with-
out avail to discover them. With the emendations
in Books XXI.-XXVI. by Laurentius Valla4 the
critical study of the text was inaugurated. The year
1469 saw the first printed edition of the Historv,
which was produced in Rome. Early in the sixteenth
century Machiavelli wrote his famous Discorsi sul
Primo Libro delle Deche di Tito Livio. It is not too
much to say that from the Revival of Learning to the
present time Livy has been generally recognized as
one of the world's great writers. The English
scholar Munro pronounced him owner of what is

1 Servius on Virg. A en. x. 388, Schanz, iv2. i. p. 20.

2 Hertz, Frag. 12 (in his edition of Livy).

3 Inferno, xxviii. 12. * Born in Rome, 1407.

xxiv

INTRODUCTION

"perhaps the greatest prose style that has ever been
written in any age or language/' 1 and his history
seemed to Niebuhr a "a colossal masterpiece." 2

The qualities which gave Livy his lofty place in
literature are easily discovered. He was a high-
minded patriot, inspired with a genuine desire to
promote the welfare of his country. An idealist of
the most pronounced type, he was endowed — as not
all idealists are — with a breadth of sympathy which
enabled him to judge men with charity, and to discern
in the most diverse characters whatever admirable
traits they might possess. In him a passionate love
of noble deeds and a rare insight into the workings
of the mind and heart were united with a strength of
imagination which enabled him to clothe the shadowy
names of Rome's old worthies with the flesh and blood
of living men. Finally, his mastery of all the resources
of language is only equalled by his never-failing tact
and sense of fitness in the use of them.3 It is difficult
to describe in a few words so complex an instrument

1 Criticisms and Elucidations of Catullus, London, 1905*,
p. 232.

3 See the Introduction to his Roman History. I have
taken most of the material for this paragraph from Schanz,
pp. 438-441.

a Wachsmuth, Einhitung in das Studium dtr alten
Gcschichte, p. 591. Wachsmuth says : "No one even now can
escape the magic of his enthralling narrative, and to his
countrymen, whether contemporary or of a later generation,
his style must have been absolutely fascinating. We are not
surprised that Latin-speaking mankind in the time of the
Empire saw the ancient history of Rome almost exclusively
through the eyes of Livy."

XXV

INTRODUCTION

as Livy's style. Perhaps it might fairly be said that
it is distinguished by the attributes of warmth and
amplitude. The Livian period, less formal and
regular than that of Cicero, whom Livy so greatly ad-
mired/ is fully as intricate, and reveals an amazing
sensitiveness to the rhetorical possibilities inherent
in word-order.2 To the first decade, and especially
Book I., Livy has, consciously no doubt, given a
slightly archaic and poetical colour, in keeping with
the subject-matter3; and his extraordinary faculty
for visualizing and dramatizing the men and events
of Roman story reminds us even more insistently
of Quintilian's dictum that history is a kind of
prose poetry.4

Yet despite his many remarkable gifts it is only too
clear that Livy was deficient in some of the most
essential qualifications for producing such a history of
Rome as would satisfy the standards of our own day.
Neither well informed nor specially interested in
politics or the art of war, and lacking even such
practical knowledge of constitutional matters as scores
of his contemporaries must have gained from partici-
pating in the actual business of the state, he under-
took to trace the development of the greatest military

1 Quint. ImL Or, X. i. 39 ; Sen. Suns. vi. 17 and 22.

2 H. D. Naylor, Latin and English Idiom, p. 6, s&ys :
44 If I were asked 'What is the great feature of Livy's
style ? ' I would boldly answer : ' His brilliant use of
order.'" 5 Norden, Ant ike Kunstprosa i., p. 235.

4 Quint. Inst. Or. x. i. 31. Historia est . . . proxima

poetis et quodam modo carmen solutum.

xxvi

INTRODUCTION

power (save one) that the world has ever seen, and
the growth of an empire which has taught the
principles of organization and government to all
succeeding ages. Nor was this lack of technical know-
ledge the only or indeed the heaviest handicap that
Livy was compelled to carry. His mind was funda-
mentally uncritical, and he was unable to subject his
authorities to such a judicial examination as might
have made it possible for him to choose the safer guides
and reject the less trustworthy. Towards original
documents he manifests an almost incredible indiffer-
ence.1 As regards the earlier period, he himself
remarks that the Gauls in burning Rome had swept
away the " pontifical commentaries " and pretty much
all the other public and private records,2 but there is
nothing to indicate that he made much use of even
such shreds of evidence as survived the fire, or that
he referred, in writing of a later period, to so
important a source as the Annates Maximi, though
they had been published in 123 B.C., in eighty books,
by P. Mucius Scaevola. He excuses himself from
transcribing the expiatory hymn composed by Livius
Andronicus, and publicly sung, in the year 207 B.C.,
by a chorus of girls, as a thing too uncouth for
modern taste.3 He seems never to have bothered

1 Taine says : " On ne trouve pas [chez Tite Live] l'amour
infatigable de la science complete et de la verite absolue. 11
n'en a que le gout ; il n'en a pas la passion " (Essai sur Tite
Live, p. 64).

2 Liv. vi. i. 2.

3 Liv. xxvu. xxxvii. 13.

xxvii

INTRODUCTION

to examine the terrain of so important a battle as
Cannae, and his account of the operations there
shows that he had no very clear notion of the topo-
graphy of the field. It would be easy to multiply
instances. There is an example at n. xli. 10, where
he refers to an inscription, but without having him-
self consulted it, as his contemporary, Dionysius of
Halicarnassus, did.1

Livy's history supplanted the works of the annalists^
which have consequently perished, so that it is im-
possible to ascertain with exactness his relation to
his sources. His own references to them are rather
casual. He makes no attempt to indicate his author-
ities systematically, but cites them in certain cases
where they conflict with one another, or where he is
sceptical of their statements and does not choose to
assume the responsibility for them.2 Often he does
not give names, but contents himself with a phrase
like, "men say," or "I find in certain writers." For
the first decade he derived his materials from a num-
ber of annalists. The oldest were Q. Fabius Pictor and
L. Cincius Alimentus. Both men wrote in Greek and
lived in the time of the war with Hannibal, in which
both men fought. Another was L. Calpurnius Piso
Frugi, who opposed the Gracchi and was consul in

1 Dion. Hal. Antiq. Rom. iv. xxvi. and viii. xxvii. Diony-
sius and Livy worked independently of each other, though
they used common sources.

2 A. Klotz, "Zu den Quellen der 4ten und 5ten Dekade des
Livius" in Hermes, 1. (1915), pp. 482 and 536.

xxviii

INTRODUCTION

133.1 Cato's valuable history, the Origines,1* he seems
not to have used until he came to treat of the events
in which Cato himself played a part. It was to writers
who lived nearer his own day, whose style caused
Livy to rank them above their less sophisticated but
no doubt far more trustworthy predecessors that he
mainly resorted. Such were Valerius Antias, whose
seventy-five books were certainly the most abundant
source available, and are thought to have covered the
history of Rome to the death of Sulla ; C. Licinius
Macer, tribune of the plebs in 73, who wrote from
the democratic standpoint ; and Q. Aelius Tubero,
who took part in the Civil War on the side of
Pompey, and brought down his annals to his own
times.

For the third decade Livy used Polybius,3 though
whether directly or through a Roman intermediary,
and whether for the whole or only a part of the ten
books, are questions still sub iudice. For this decade
he also drew upon L. Coelius Antipater, a writer
whose treatise on the Second Punic War in seven

1 He composed a comprehensive chronicle of Roman events
in seven books, written in Latin.

2 This work, also in seven books, beginning with the
Aeneas-lcgend and coming down to the year of the author's
death, 149 B.C., should have been of the greatest use to Livy.

3 Poly bins was born about 210 B.C., in Megalopolis, where
he died at the age of 82. His great philosophical history of
the Romans, from the outbreak of the Second Punic War to
the fall of Corinth, in 14Q B.C. , contained forty books. Only
i.-v. are extant in their entirety, but we have extracts from
vi.-xvin., and some fragments of xix.-xl.

xxix

INTRODUCTION

books1 had introduced into Roman literature the
genre of the historical monograph.

In the fourth and fifth decades Livy's main reliance
seems to have been Polybius, in describing eastern
affairs j and the annalists Q. Claudius Quadrigarius 2
and Valerius Antias, in treating of Italy and Spain.
A recent critic 3 has found reason for thinking that
Livy used Valerius as his chief authority for western
matters (controlling his statements however by those
of Claudius) until, coming to the prosecution of Scipio
(see Book XXXVI II), he found so much in Valerius
that was incredible that his mistrust, which had
hitherto been confined to that annalist's reports of
numbers (see e.g. xxxin. x. 8.) caused him to take
Claudius thenceforth for his principal guide.

This unscientific attitude towards the sources was
the product partly of Livy's own characteristics, partly
of the conception of history as a means of edification
and entertainment prevalent in ancient times.4 An-
other shortcoming, which would have to be insisted
on if we were criticising him as though he were a
contemporary, is his inability to clear his mind of
ideas belonging to his own day in considering the
men and institutions of the past, — though this again
is a limitation which he shares with his age.

1 Written after the death of C. Gracchus, in 121 b.c.^

2 Claudius wrote of the period from the Gallic invasion to
his own times, the Sullan age. His work had not fewer than
23 books. 3 A. Klotz, op. cit., p. 533.

* Quint. Inst. Or. x. i. 31 ; Plin. Ep. v. viii. 9 ; Cic. De
Orat. ii. 59.

XXX

INTRODUCTION

It is evident that the student of history must use
Livy with caution, especially in those portions of his
work where his statements cannot be tested by com-
parison with those of Polybius. Yet, quite apart
from his claims upon our attention as a supreme
literary artist, it would be hard to overrate his impor-
tance as an historian, which is chiefly of two sorts.
In the first place, uncritical though he is, we have
no one to put in his place, and his pages are
our best authority for long stretches of Roman
history. In the second place he possesses a very
positive excellence to add to this accidental one, in
the fidelity and spirit with which he depicts for
us the Roman's own idea of Rome. Any one of half
a dozen annalists would have served as well as Livy
to tell us what the Romans did, but it required genius
to make us realize as Livy does what the Romans
were. No mere critical use of documents could ever
make the Roman character live again as it lives for
us in his " pictured page." The People and the State
are idealized no doubt by the patriotic imagination
of this extraordinary writer, — but a people's ideals
are surely not the least significant part of their
history.1

1 See Mr. Duffs excellent remarks in the finely apprecia-
tive chapter on Livy in his Literary History of Rome.

xxxi

INTRODUCTION

IV

We have seen that each of the extant decades was
handed down in a separate tradition. The manu-
scripts of the later portions will be briefly described
in introductory notes to the volumes in which they
are contained. Books I.-X. are preserved in a two-
fold MS. tradition. One family is represented by a
single MS., the Verona palimpsest (F). The portion
of this codex which contains the Livy consists of
sixty leaves, on which are preserved fragments of
Books II I. -VI., written in uncial characters of the
fourth century. These fragments were deciphered
and published by Mommsen in 1868. The
other family is the so-called Nichomachean.
This edition, as it may be called, of the first decade
was produced under the auspices of Q. Aurelius
Symmachus, who was consul in 391 a.d. He appears
to have commissioned Tascius Victorianus to prepare
an amended copy of Books I.-X., and the latter's
subscription [Victorianus emendaham dominis Symmachis)
is found after every book as far as the ninth. In
Books VI.-VIII. the subscription of Victorianus is
preceded by one of Nichomachus Flavianus, son-in-
law of Symmachus (Nichomachus Flavianus v, c. III.
praefect. urbis emend avi apud Hennain), and in Books
II I.- V. by one of Nichomachus Dexter, a son of
Flavianus (Tiii Livi Nichomachus Dexter v.c. emendavi ah
xxxii

INTRODUCTION

urbe co?idita)j who adds the information, in subscribing
Book V., that lie had used the copy of his kinsman
Clementianus. To this origin all the MSS. now extant
are referred, with the exception of the Veronensis.
The most famous member of the family is the Mediceus,
a minuscule codex of the tenth or eleventh century
containing the ten books and written with great
fidelity — even in absurdities — to its exemplar. It
has been shown to be the work of at least three
scribes. The MS. abounds with dittographies and
other errors, but is possibly the most valuable of its
class, because of its honesty. For a full description
of this and the other Nichomachean MSS. the reader
should consult the Oxford edition of Livy, Books I.-V.,
by Conway and Walters. A list of all the MSS. used
in that edition is given at the end of this introduction.

The editio princeps, edited by Andreas, afterwards
Bishop of Aleria, was issued in Rome in 1469. In
1518 came the Aldine edition. The first complete
edition of all the books now extant was also brought
out at Rome, in 1616, by Lusignanus. Of modern
editions may be mentioned those of Gronovius,
Leyden, 1645 and 1679 ; Drakenborch (with notes
of Duker and others, and the supplements of
Freinsheimius), Leyden, 1738-1746 ; Alschefski, Ber-
lin, 1841-1846 (critical edition of Books I.-X. and
XXL-XXIII.), and Berlin, 1843-44 (text of Books
I.-X. and XX I.-X XX.) ; Madvig and Ussing, Copen-
hagen4, 1886 ff, (Madvig's Emendaliones Livianae—B.

xxxiii

VOL. I

B

INTRODUCTION

classic of criticism — had appeared at Copenhagen
in 1860); Hertz, Leipsic, 1857-1863 ; Weissenborn
(Teubner text, revised by M. Muller and W. Heraeus)
Leipsic, 1881 ff.; Luchs, Books XXI.-XXV. and
XXVI.-XXX., Berlin, 1888-1889 (best critical ap-
paratus for third decade) ; Zingerle, Leipsic, 1888-
1908; Weissenborn and H. J. Muller, Berlin, 1880-
1909 (best explanatory edition of the whole of Livy,
with German notes ; the several volumes are more
or less frequently republished in revised editions);
M. Muller, F. Luterbacher, E. Wolfflin, H.J. Muller,
and F. FriedersdorfF (Books I.-X. and XXI.-XXX.,
separate volumes, with German notes) Leipsic, various
dates ; Books I. and II. are in their second edition
(II. by W. Heraeus).

Of the numerous editions of parts of the first decade
which are provided with English notes may be cited :
Book I. by Sir J. Seeley, Oxford, 1874; by H. J.
Edwards, Cambridge, 1912 ; Books I. and II. by J. B.
Greenough, Boston, 1891 ; Book II. by R. S. Conway,
Cambridge, 1901 ; Books II. and III. by H. M.
Stephenson, London, 1882 ; Book III. by P. Thoresby
Jones, Oxford, 1914 ; Book IV. by H. M. Stephenson,
Cambridge, 1890 ; Books V.-VII. by A. R. Cluer and
P. E. Matheson, Oxford, 19042; Book IX. by W. B.
Anderson, Cambridge, 1909.

For the first decade the critical edition by Conway
and Walters, of which the first half was published by
the Oxford University Press in 1914, is the standard.

xxxiv

INTRODUCTION

There are translations of the whole of Livy by
Philemon Holland, London, 1600; by George Baker,
London, 1797 ; and by Rev. Canon Roberts, now in
course of publication in Everyman's Library, London,
1912 ff. Books XXI.-XXV. have been done by A. J.
Church and W. J. Brodribb, London, 1890.

Of books concerned wholly or in part with Livy
the following may be mentioned : H. Taine, Essai
snr Tile Live, Paris, 1856 ; J. Wight Duff, A Literary
History of Rome, London and New York, 1909; O.
Riemann, Etudes sur la Langue et la Grammaire de
Tite-Live, Paris, 1885; C. Wachsmuth, Einleitnng in
das Studium der alten Geschichte, Leipsic, 1895 ; H.
Darnley Naylor, Latin and English Idiom, an Object
Lesson from Livys Preface, and More Latin and
English Idiom, Cambridge, 1909 and 1915.

For further information about the bibliography of
Livy, including the great mass of pamphlets and
periodical articles, the student may consult Schanz,
Geschichte der romischen Litteratur ii. I3, Munich, 1911
(in I wan von Miiller's Handbuch der Klassischen
Altertumswissenschaft) and the various Jahresberichte,
by H. J. Miiller and others, which Schanz lists
on p. 418.

See also: Commentary on Books I.-V. by R. M.
Ogilvie, Oxford, 1965; Complete Text of Livy by
Conway, Walters, Johnson, MacDonald, Oxford, still
in progress.

xxxv

INTRODUCTION

The Manuscripts

V = Veronensis, 4th century.
F— Floriacensis, 9th century.
P= Parisiensis, 10th century.
E = Einsiedlensis, 10th century.
11= Harleianus prior, 10th century.
B = Bambergensis, 10th or 11th century.
31= Mediceus, 10th or 11th century.
Form. = Vormatiensis (as reported by Rhenanus).
7?=Romanus, 11th century.
U= Upsaliensis, 11th century.
D — Dominicanus, 11th or 12th century.
L = Leidensis, 12th century.
A = Aginnensis, 13th century.
AT1 M2 etc. denote corrections made by the original
scribe or a later corrector. When it is
impossible to identify the corrector Mx
is employed.
Q, = all or some of the above MSS.
a = later part of A, 14th century.
S = one or more of the inferior MSS and early
editions.

Abbreviations

Aid. (or ed. Aid.) = the Aldine edition, Venice, 1518.
Cassiod. = Cassiodorius.

Class. Quart. = The Classical Quarterly, London, 1907 ff.
C.I.L. = Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum, vol. i.2 Berlin,

1893-5.
Diod. = Diodorus Siculus.
Dion. Hal. = Dionysius of Halicarnassus.
xxxvi

LIVY

FROM THE FOUNDING OF THE CITY
BOOK I

T. LIVI

AB URBE CONDITA
LIBER I

PRAEFATIO

Facturusne operae pretium sim,1 si a primordio
urbis res populi Romani perscripserim, nec satis scio,

2 nec, si sciam, dicere ausim, quippe qui cum veterem
turn volgatam esse rem videam, dum novi semper
scriptores aut in rebus certius aliquid allaturos se
aut scribendi arte rudem vetustatem superaturos

3 credunt. Utcumque erit, iuvabit tamen rerum
gestarum memoriae principis terrarum populi pro
virili parte et ipsnm consuluisse ; et si in tanta
scriptorum turba mea fama in obscuro sit, nobilitate
ac magnitudine eorum me qui nomini officient meo

4 consoler. Res est praeterea et immensi operis, ut
quae supra septingentesimum annum repetatur, et

1 operae pretium sim Sabellicus (from Quint, ix. iv. 74) :
sim operae pretium ft.

2

LIVY

FROM THE FOUNDING OF THE CITY

BOOK I
Preface

Whether I am likely to accomplish anything
worthy of the labour, if I record the achievements
of the Roman people from the foundation of the city,
I do not really know, nor if I knew would I dare to
avouch it ; perceiving as I do that the theme 1 is not
only old but hackneyed, through the constant succes-
sion of new historians, who believe either that in their
facts they can produce more authentic information,
or that in their style they will prove better than the
rude attempts of the ancients. Yet, however this
shall be, it will be a satisfaction to have done my-
self as much as lies in me to commemorate the
deeds of the foremost people of the world ; and if in
so vast a company of writers my own reputation
should be obscure, my consolation would be the
fame and greatness of those whose renown will throw
mine into the shade. Moreover, my subject involves
infinite labour, seeing that it must be traced back

1 Some scholars take rem to mean " the practice," sc. of
expressing confidence in one's ability.

3

LIVY

quae ab exiguis profecta initiis eo creverit ut iam
magnitudine laboret sua ; et legentium plerisque
haud dubito quin primae origines proximaque origi-
nibus minus praebitura voluptatis sint, festinantibus
ad haec nova, quibus iam pridem praevalentis populi

5 vires se ipsae conficiunt : ego contra hoc quoque
laboris praemium petam, ut me a conspectu malo-
rum quae nostra tot per annos vidit aetas, tantisper
certe dum prisca ilia tota mente repeto, avertam,
omnis expers curae quae scribentis animum, etsi
non flectere a vero, sollicitum tamen efficere posset.

6 Quae ante conditam condendamve urbem poeticis
magis decora fabulis quam incorruptis rerum ges-
tarum monumentis traduntur, ea nec adfirmare nec

7 refellere in animo est. Datur haec venia antiquitati,
ut miscendo humana divinis primordia urbium augus-
tiora faciat ; et si cui populo licere oportet conse-
crare origines suas et ad deos referre auctores, ea
belli gloria est populo Romano ut cum suum con-
ditorisque sui parentem Martem potissimum ferat
tarn et hoc gentes humanae patiantur aequo animo

8 quam imperium patiuntur. Sed haec et his similia,
utcumque animadversa aut existimata erunt, haud

9 in magno equidem ponam discrimine : ad ilia mihi
pro se quisque acriter intendat animum, quae vita,

1 Livy refers to the animosities inevitably aroused by
writers who dealt with such thorny subjects as the civil
wars, during the lifetime of many who had taken part in
them.

A

BOOK I

above seven hundred years, and that proceeding from
slender beginnings it has so increased as now to be
burdened by its own magnitude ; and at the same
time I doubt not that to most readers the earliest
origins and the period immediately succeeding them
will give little pleasure, for they will be in haste to
reach these modern times, in which the might of a
people which has long been very powerful is working
its own undoing. I myself, on the contrary, shall
seek in this an additional reward for my toil, that I
may avert my gaze from the troubles which our age
has been witnessing for so many years, so long at
least as I am absorbed in the recollection of the
brave days of old, free from every care which, even
if it could not divert the historian's mind from the
truth, might nevertheless cause it anxiety.1

Such traditions as belong to the time before the
city was founded, or rather was presently to be
founded, and are rather adorned with poetic legends
than based upon trustworthy historical proofs, I
purpose neither to affirm nor to refute. It is the
privilege of antiquity to mingle divine things with
human, and so to add dignity to the beginnings of
cities ; and if any people ought to be allowed to
consecrate their origins and refer them to a divine
source, so great is the military glory of the Roman
People that when they profess that their Father and
the Father of their Founder was none other than
Mars, the nations of the earth may well submit to
this also with as good a grace as they submit to
Rome's dominion. But to such legends as these,
however they shall be regarded and judged, I shall,
for my own part, attach no great importance. Here
are the questions to which I would have every reader

5

LIVY

qui mores fuerint, per quos viros quibusque artibus
domi militiaeque et partum et auctum imperium sit ;
labente deinde paulatim disciplina velut desidentis1
primo mores sequatur animOj deinde ut magis magis-
que lapsi sint, turn ire coeperint praecipites, donee
ad haec tempora quibus nec vitia nostra nec remedia
pati possumus perventum est.

10 Hoc illud est praecipue in cognitione rerum
salubre ac frugiferum, omnis te exempli documenta
in inlustri posita monumento intueri ; inde tibi
tuaeque rei publicae quod imitere capias, inde

11 foedum inceptu, foedum exitu, quod vites. Ceterum
aut me amor negotii suscepti fallit, aut nulla um-
quam res publica nec maior nec sanctior nec bonis
exemplis ditior fuit, nec in quam civitatem tarn
serae avaritia luxuriaque inmigraverintj nec ubi tan-
tus ac tam diu paupertati ac parsimoniae honos
fuerit. Adeo quanto rerum minus, tanto minus

12 cupiditatis erat ; nuper divitiae avaritiam et abun-
dantes voluptates desiderium per luxum atque libi-
dinem pereundi perdendique omnia invexere.

Sed querellae, ne turn quidem gratae futurae
cum forsitan necessariae erunt, ab initio certe

13 tantae ordiendae rei absint ; cum bonis potius omi-
nibus votisque et precationibus deorum dearumque,

1 desidentes : discidentis M : diasidentis (or dissiden-
tes) n.

1 The metaphor is from a decaying building.

2 The monument Livy means is the body of a nation's
achievements (c/. res in § 1), the " history " of a nation, in

6

BOOK I

give his close attention — what life and morals were
like ; through what men and by what policies, in
peace and in war, empire was established and en-
larged ; then let him note how, with the gradual
relaxation of discipline, morals first gave way, as it
were, then sank lower and lower, and finally began
the downward plunge 1 which has brought us to the
present time, when we can endure neither our vices
nor their cure.

What chiefly makes the study of history wholesome
and profitable is this, that you behold the lessons ot
every kind of experience set forth as on a conspicu-
ous monument ; 2 from these you may choose for
yourself and for your own state what to imitate, from
these mark for avoidance what is shameful in the
conception and shameful in the result. For the rest,
either love of the task I have set myself deceives me,
or no state was ever greater, none more righteous or
richer in good examples, none ever was where avarice
and luxury came into the social order so late, or where
humble means and thrift were so highly esteemed
and so long held in honour. For true it is that the
less men's wealth was, the less was their greed. Of
late, riches have brought in avarice, and excessive
pleasures the longing to carry wantonness and licence
to the point of ruin for oneself and of universal
destruction.

But complaints are sure to be disagreeable, even
when they shall perhaps be necessary; let the begin-
ning, at all events, of so great an enterprise have
none. With good omens rather would we begin, and,
if historians had the same custom which poets have,

that objective sense of the word. This he likens to a
monument of stone on which men's deeds are recorded.

7

si, ut poetis, nobis quoque mos esset, libentius
inciperemus, ut orsis tantum operis successus pros-
peros darent.

I. Iam primum omnium satis constat Troia capta
in ceteros saevitum esse Troianos : duobus, Aeneae
Antenorique, et vetusti iure hospitii et quia pacis
reddendaeque Helenae semper auctores fuerunt,

2 omne ius belli Acbivos abstinuisse ; casibus deinde
variis Antenorem cum multitudine Enetum, qui
seditione ex Papblagonia pulsi et sedes et ducem
rege Pylaemene ad Troiam amisso quaerebant,

3 venisse in intimum maris Hadriatici sinum, Euga-
neisquej qui inter mare Alpesque incolebant, pulsis,
Enetos Troianosque eas tenuisse terras. Et in quern
primum egressi sunt locum Troia vocatur, pagoque
inde Troiano nomen est : gens universa Veneti

4 appellati. Aeneam ab simili clade domo profugum,
sed ad maiora rerum initia ducentibus fatis, primo
in Macedoniam venisse, inde in Siciliam quaerentem
sedes delatum, ab Sicilia classe ad Laurentem agrum

5 tenuisse. Troia et huic loco nomen est. Ibi egressi
Troiani, ut quibus ab inmenso prope errore nihil
praeter arma et naves superesset, cum praedam ex
agris agerent, Latinus rex Aboriginesque, qui turn
ea tenebant loca, ad arcendam vim advenarum

6 armati ex urbe atque agris concurrunt. Duplex inde

8

1 See the Iliad, v. 576.

BOOK I. i. 1-6

with prayers and entreaties to the gods and goddesses,
that they might grant us to bring to a successful
issue the great task we have undertaken.

I. First of all, then, it is generally agreed that
when Troy was taken vengeance was wreaked upon
the other Trojans, but that two, Aeneas and Antenor,
were spared all the penalties of war by the Achivi,
owing to long-standing claims of hospitality, and be-
cause they had always advocated peace and the giving
back of Helen. They then experienced various vicis-
situdes. Antenor, with a company of Eneti who had
been expelled from Paphlagonia in a revolution and
were looking for a home and a leader — for they had
lost their king, Pylaemenes, at Troy1 — came to the
inmost bay of the Adriatic. There, driving out the
Euganei, who dwelt between the sea and the Alps,
the Eneti and Trojans took possession of those lands.
And in fact the place where they first landed is called
Troy, and the district is therefore known as Trojan,
while the people as a whole are called the Veneti.
Aeneas, driven from home by a similar misfortune,
but guided by fate to undertakings of greater conse-
quence, came first to Macedonia ; thence was carried,
in his quest of a place of settlement, to Sicily ; and
from Sicily laid his course towards the land of Lauren-
tum. This place too is called Troy. Landing there,
the Trojans, as men who, after their all but immeasur-
able wanderings, had nothing left but their swords
and ships, were driving booty from the fields, when
King Latin us and the Aborigines, who then occupied
that country, rushed down from their city and their
fields to repel with arms the violence of the in-
vaders. From this point the tradition follows two

9

L1VY

fama est. Alii proelio victum Latinum pacem cum

7 Aenea, deinde affinitatem iunxisse tradunt : alii, cum
instructae acies constitissent, priusquam signa cane-
rent processisse Latinum inter primores ducemque
advenarum evocasse ad conloquium ; percunctatum
deinde qui mortales essent, unde aut quo casu pro-
fecti domo quidve quaerentes in agrum Laurenti-

8 num 1 exissent, postquam audierit multitudinem
Troianos esse, ducem Aeneam, filium Anchisae et
Veneris, cremata patria domo profugos sedem con-
dendaeque urbi locum quaerere, et nobilitatem
admiratum gentis virique et animum vel bello vel
paci paratum, dextra data fidem futurae amicitiae

9 sanxisse. Inde foedus ictum inter duces, inter exer-
citus salutationem factam ; Aeneam apud Latinum
fuisse in hospitio ; ibi Latinum apud penates deos
domesticum publico adiunxisse foedus filia Aeneae

10 in matrimonium data. Ea res utique Troianis spem
adfirmat tandem stabili certaque sede finiendi erroris.

11 Oppidum condunt; Aeneas ab nomine uxoris Lavi-
nium appellat. Brevi stirpis quoque virilis ex novo
matrimonio fuit, cui Ascanium parentes dixere
nomen.

II. Bello deinde Aborigines Troianique simul
petiti. Turnus, rex Rutulorum, cui pacta Lavinia
ante adventum Aeneae fuerat, praelatum sibi adve-

1 Laurentinum fl : Laurentera M02DL<?.

1 This, in a nutshell, is the form of .the legend on which
Virgil based Books vii.-xii. of the Aeneid.

io

BOOK I. i. 6-n. 1

lines. Some say that Latinus, having been defeated
in the battle, made a peace with Aeneas, and later
an alliance of marriage.1 Others maintain that when
the opposing lines had been drawn up, Latinus did
not wait for the charge to sound, but advanced
amidst his chieftains and summoned the captain of
the strangers to a parley. He then inquired what
men they were, whence they had come, what mishap
had caused them to leave their home, and what they
sought in landing on the coast of Laurentum. He
was told that the people were Trojans and their
leader Aeneas, son of Anchises and Venus ; that
their city had been burnt, and that, driven from
home, they were looking for a dwelling-place and a
site where they might build a city. Filled with
wonder at the renown of the race and the hero, and
at his spirit, prepared alike for war or peace, he gave
him his right hand in solemn pledge of lasting friend-
ship. The commanders then made a treaty, and the
armies saluted each other. Aeneas became a guest
in the house of Latinus ; there the latter, in the
presence of his household gods, added a domestic
treaty to the public one, by giving his daughter in
marriage to Aeneas. This event removed any doubt
in the minds of the Trojans that they had brought
their wanderings to an end at last in a permanent
and settled habitation. They founded a town, which
Aeneas named Lavinium, after his wife. In a short
time, moreover, there was a male scion of the new
marriage, to whom his parents gave the name of
Ascanius.

II. War was then made upon Trojans and Abori-
gines alike. Turnus was king of the Rutulians, and
to him Lavinia had been betrothed before the coming

1 1

LIVY

nam aegre patiens simul Aeneae Latinoque bellum

2 intulerat. Neutra acies laeta ex eo certamine abiit :
victi Rutuli : victores Aborigines Troianique ducem

3 Latinum amisere. Inde Turnus Rutulique diffisi
rebus ad florentes opes Etruscorum Mezentiumque
regem eorum confugiunt, qui Caere opulento turn
oppido imperitans, iam inde ab initio minime laetus
novae origine urbis, et turn nimio plus quam satis
tutum esset accolis rem Troianam crescere ratus,

4 baud gravatim socia arma Rutulis iunxit. Aeneas,
ad versus tanti belli terrorem ut animos Aboriginum
sibi conciliaret, nec sub eodem iure solum sed etiam
nomine omnes essent, Latinos utramque gentem

5 appellavit. Nec deinde Aborigines Troianis studio
ac fide erga regem Aeneam cessere. Fretusque his
animis coalescentium in dies magis duorum popu-
lorum Aeneas, quamquam tanta opibus Etruria erat
ut iam non terras solum sed mare etiam per totam
Italiae longitudinem ab Alpibus ad fretum Siculum
fama nominis sui inplesset, tamen, cum moenibus
bellum propulsare posset, in aciem copias eduxit.

6 Secundum inde proelium Latinis, Aeneae etiam
ultimum operum mortalium fuit. Situs est, quem-

1 Virgil makes Jupiter grant, as a favour to Juno, that

12

BOOK I. ii. 1-6

of Aeneas. Indignant that a stranger should be pre-
ferred before him, lie attacked, at the same time, both
Aeneas and Latinus. Neither army came off rejoicing
from that battle. The Rutulians were beaten : the
victorious Aborigines and Trojans lost their leader
Latinus. Then Turn us and the Rutulians, discouraged
at their situation, fled for succour to the opulent and
powerful Etruscans and their king Mezentius, who
held sway in Caere, at that time an important town.
Mezentius had been, from the very beginning, far
from pleased at the birth of the new city ; he now
felt that the Trojan state was growing much more
rapidly than was altogether safe for its neighbours,
and readily united his forces with those of the
Rutulians. Aeneas, that he might win the good-
will of the Aborigines to confront so formidable
an array, and that all might possess not only the
same rights but also the same name, called both
nations Latins;1 and from that time on the Abo-
rigines were no less ready and faithful than the
Trojans in the service of King Aeneas. Accord-
ingly, trusting to this friendly spirit of the two
peoples, which were growing each day more united,
and, despite the power of Etruria, which had filled
with the glory of her name not only the lands
but the sea as well, along the whole extent of
Italy from the Alps to the Sicilian Strait, Aeneas
declined to defend himself behind his walls, as he
might have done, but led out his troops to battle.
The fight which ensued was a victory for the Latins :
for Aeneas it was, besides, the last of his mortal
labours. He lies buried, whether it is fitting and right

the Trojan name shall be sunk in the Latin (Am. xii.
835).

13

LIVY

cunique eum dici ius fasque est, super Numicum
flumen : Iovem indigetem appellant.

III. Nondum maturus imperio Ascanius Aeneae
films erat ; tamen id imperium ei ad puberem aeta-
tem incolume mansit; tantisper tutela muliebri —
tanta indoles in Lavinia erat — res Latina et regnum

2 avitum paternumque puero stetit. Haud ambigam
— quis enim rem tarn veterem pro certo adfirmet? —
hicine fuerit Ascanius an maior quam hie, Creusa
matre Ilio incolumi natus comesque inde paternae
fugae, quern Iulum eundem lulia gens auctorem

3 nominis sui nuncupat. Is Ascanius, ubicumque et
quacumque matre genitus — certe natum Aenea con-
stat— abundante Lavini multitudine florentem iam,
ut turn res erant, atque opulentam urbem matri seu
novercae reliquit : novam ipse aliam sub Albano
monte condidit, quae ab situ porrectae in dorso urbis

4 Longa Alba appellata. Inter Lavinium conditum1
et Albam Longam coloniam deductam triginta ferme
interfuere anni. Tantum tamen opes creverant,
maxime fusis Etruscis, ut ne morte quidem Aeneae
nec deinde inter muliebrem tutelam rudimentumque
primum puerilis regni movere arma aut Mezentius

5 Etruscique aut ulli alii accolae ausi sint. Pax ita
convenerat ut Etruscis Latinisque fluvius Albula,

1 Lavinium conditum Harant : Lavinium fl.

1 Indiges means "of or belonging to a certain place"
(Fowler, Feet. p. 192). Dion. Hal. i. 64, says that the
Latins made a shrine to Aeneas with an inscription in which

4

BOOK I. ii. 6-in. 5

to term him god or man, on the banks of the river
Numicus ; men, however, call him Jupiter Indiges.1

III. Ascanius, Aeneas' son, was not yet ripe for
authority ; yet the authority was kept for him, un-
impaired, until he arrived at manhood. Meanwhile,
under a woman's regency, the Latin State and the
kingdom of his father and his grandfather stood
unshaken — so strong was Lavinia's character — until
the boy could claim it. I shall not discuss the question
— for who could affirm for certain so ancient a matter?
— whether this boy was Ascanius, or an elder brother,
born by Creusa while Ilium yet stood, who accom-
panied his father when he ned from the city, being
the same whom the Julian family call lulus and claim
as the author of their name. This Ascanius, no
matter where born, or of what mother— it is agreed
in any case that he was Aeneas' son — left Lavinium,
when its population came to be too large, for it was
already a nourishing and wealthy city for those days,
to his mother, or stepmother, and founded a new city
himself below the Alban Mount. This was known
from its position, as it lay stretched out along the
ridge, by the name of Alba Longa. From the settle-
ment of Lavinium to the planting of the colony at
Alba Longa was an interval of some thirty years.
Yet the nation had grown so powerful, in consequence
especially of the defeat of the Etruscans, that even
when Aeneas died, and even when a woman became
its regent and a boy began his apprenticeship as king,
neither Mezentius and his Etruscans nor any other
neighbours dared to attack them. Peace had been
agreed to on these terms, that the River Albula, which
men now call the Tiber, should be the boundary

he was called irar^p x^^vl°s {Pater Indiges). He was also
called Deus Indiges and Aeneas Indiges.

15

LIVY

6 quern nunc Tiberim vocant, finis esset. Silvius
deinde regnat, Ascanii filius, casu quodam in silvis

7 natus. Is Aeneam Silvium creat ; is deinde Latinum
Silvium. Ab eo coloniae aliquot deductae, Prisci

8 Latini appellati. Mansit Silviis postea omnibus cog-
nomen qui Albae regnarunt.1 Latino Alba ortus,
Alba Atys, Atye Capys, Capye Capetus, Capeto
Tiberinus, qui in traiectu 2 Albulae amnis submersus

9 celebre ad posteros nomen flumini dedit. Agrippa
inde Tiberini filius, post Agrippam Romulus Silvius
a patre accepto imperio regnat. Aventino fulmine
ipse ictus regnum per manus tradidit. Is sepultus
in eo colle, qui nunc pars Romanae est urbis, cogno-

10 men colli fecit. Proca deinde regnat. Is Numi-
torematque Amulium procreat ; Numitori, qui stirpis
maximus erat, regnum vetustum Silviae gentis legat.
Plus tamen vis potuit quam voluntas patris aut vere-

11 cundia aetatis : pulso f rat re Amulius regnat. Addit
sceleri scelus : stirpem fratris virilem interemit3:
fratris filiae Reae Silviae per speciem honoris, cum
Vestalem earn legisset, perpetua virginitate spem
partus adimit.4

IV. Sed debebatur, ut opinor, fatis tantae origo
urbis maximique secundum deorum opes imperii
2 principium. Vi compressa Vestalis, cum geminum
partum edidisset, seu ita rata, seu quia deus auctor
culpae honestior erat, Martem incertae stirpis patrem

1 regnarunt D. : regnaverunt 31.

2 traiectu R2D* (or Dx) : traiecto a

3 interemit n : interimit MO ? HR.

4 adimit Ci : ademit UOE\

16

BOOK I. in. 5-1V. 2

between the Etruscans and the Latins. Next Silvius
reigned, son of Ascanius, born, as it chanced, in the
forest. He begat Aeneas Silvius, and he Latinus
Silvius. By him several colonies were planted, and
called the Ancient Latins. Thereafter the cognomen
Silvius was retained by all who ruled at Alba. From
Latinus came Alba, from Alba Atys, from Atys Capys,
from Capys Capetus, from Capetus Tiberinus. This
last king was drowned in crossing the River Albula,
and gave the stream the name which has been current
with later generations. Then Agrippa, son of Tibe-
rinus, reigned, and after Agrippa Romulus Silvius
was king, having received the power from his father.
Upon the death of Romulus by lightning, the king-
ship passed from him to Aventinus. This king was
buried on that hill, which is now a part of the City
of Rome, and gave his name to the hill. Proca ruled
next. He begat Numitor and Amulius ; to Numitor,
the elder, he bequeathed the ancient realm of the
Silvian family. Yet violence proved more potent
than a father's wishes or respect for seniority. Amu-
lius drove out his brother and ruled in his stead.
Adding crime to crime, he destroyed Numitor's male
issue ; and Rhea Silvia, his brother's daughter, he
appointed a Vestal under pretence of honouring
her, and by consigning her to perpetual virginity,
deprived her of the hope of children.

IV. But the Fates were resolved, as I suppose,
upon the founding of this great City, and the
beginning of the mightiest of empires, next after
that of Heaven. The Vestal was ravished, and
having given birth to twin sons, named Mars as the
father of her doubtful offspring, whether actually so
believing, or because it seemed less wrong if a god

17

LIVY

3 nuncupat. Sed nec dii nec homines aut ipsam aut
stirpem a crudelitate regia vindicant : sacerdos vincta
in custodiam datur : pueros in profluentem aquam

4 mitti iubet. Forte quadam divinitus super ripas
Tiberis eifusus lenibus stagnis nec adiri usquam ad
iusti cursum poterat amnis et posse quamvis languida

5 mergi aqua infantes spem ferentibus dabat. Ita,
velut defuncti regis imperio, in proxima alluvie ubi
nunc ficus Ruminalis est — Romularem vocatam ferunt

(3 — pueros exponunt. Vastae turn in his locis soli-
tudines erant. Tenet fama, cum fluitantem alveum
quo expositi erant pueri tenuis in sicco aqua desti-
tuisset, lupam sitientem ex montibus qui circa sunt
ad puerilem vagitum cursum flexisse ; earn summissas
infantibus adeo mitem praebuisse mammas ut lingua
lambentem pueros magister regii pecoris invenerit —

7 Faustulo fuisse nomen ferunt. Ab eo ad stabula
Larentiae 1 uxori educandos datos. Sunt qui Laren-
tiam 1 vulgato corpore lupam inter pastores vocatam

8 putent : inde locum fabulae ac miraculo datum. Ita
geniti itaque educate cum primum adolevit aetas, nec
in stabulis nec ad pecora segnes, venando peragrare

9 saltus. Hinc robore corporibus animisque sumpto

1 Larentiae (-am) MDL : Laurentiae (-am) n.

1 The word lupa was sometimes used in the sense of
" courtesan."

l8

BOOK I. lv. 2-9

were the author of her fault. But neither gods nor
men protected the mother herself or her babes from
the king's cruelty ; the priestess he ordered to be
manacled and cast into prison, the children to be
committed to the river. It happened by singular
good fortune that the Tiber having spread beyond
its banks into stagnant pools afforded nowhere any
access to the regular channel of the river, and the
men who brought the twins were led to hope that
being infants they might be drowned, no matter
how sluggish the stream. So they made shift to
discharge the king's command, by exposing the
babes at the nearest point of the overflow, where the
fig-tree Ruminalis — formerly, they say, called Romu-
laris — now stands. In those days this was a wild
and uninhabited region. The story persists that
when the floating basket in which the children had
been exposed was left high and dry by the receding
water, a she-wolf, coming down out of the surround-
ing hills to slake her thirst, turned her steps towards
the cry of the infants, and with her teats gave
them suck so gently, that the keeper of the royal
flock found her licking them with her tongue.
Tradition assigns to this man the name of Faustulus,
and adds that he carried the twins to his hut and gave
them to his wife Larentia to rear. Some think that
Larentia, having been free with her favours, had got
the name of "she-wolf" among the shepherds, and
that this gave rise to this marvellous story.1 The
boys, thus born and reared, had no sooner attained to
youth than they began — yet without neglecting the
farmstead or the flocks — to range the glades of the
mountains for game. Having in this way gained
both strength and resolution, they would now not

*9

LIVY

iam non feras tantum subsistere, sed in latrones
praeda onustos impetus facere pastoribusque rapta
dividere et cum his crescente in dies grege iuvenum
seria ac iocos celebrare.

V. Iam turn in Palatio monte Lupercal hoc fuisse
ludicrum ferunt et a Pallanteo, urbe Arcadica, Pal-

2 lantium, dein Palatium montem appellatum. Ibi
Euandrum, qui ex eo genere Arcadum multis ante
tempestatibus tenuerit loca, sollemne adlatum ex
Arcadia instituisse ut nudi iuvenes Lycaeum Pana
venerantes per lusum atque lasciviam currerent,

3 queni Romani deinde vocarunt. Inuum. Huic deditis
ludicrOj cum sollemne notum esset, insidiatos ob iram
praedae amissae latrones, cum Romulus vi se defen-
dissetj Remum cepisse, captum regi Amulio tradi-

4 disse ultro accusantes. Crimini maxime dabant in
Numitoris agros ab iis impetus 1 fieri ; inde eos
collecta iuvenum manu hostilem in modum praedas
agere. Sic Numitori ad supplicium Remus deditur.

5 Iam inde ab initio Faustulo spes fuerat regiam stir-
pern apud se educari ; nam et expositos iussu regis
infantes sciebat, et tempus quo ipse eos sustulisset
ad id ipsum congruere ; sed rem inmaturam nisi aut

1 impetus Gronovius : impetum CL

1 The derivation here given is fanciful. The word is pro-
bably akin to palus, " pale," and meant a "fenced place."

20

BOOK I. iv. 9-v. 5

only face wild beasts, but would attack robbers
laden with their spoils, and divide up what they took
from them among the shepherds, with whom they
shared their toils and pranks, while their band of
young men grew larger every day.

V. They say that the Palatine was even then the
scene of the merry festival of the Lupercalia which
we have to-day, and that the hill was named
Pallantium, from Pallanteum, an Arcadian city,
and then Palatium.1 There Evander, an Arcadian
of that stock, who had held the place many ages
before the time of which I am writing, is said to
have established the yearly rite, derived from
Arcadia, that youths should run naked about in
playful sport, doing honour to Lycaean Pan, whom
the Romans afterwards called Inuus. When the
young men were occupied in this celebration, the
rite being generally known, some robbers who had
been angered by the loss of their plunder laid an
ambush for them, and although Romulus successfully
defended himself, captured Remus and delivered up
their prisoner to King Amulius, even lodging a com-
plaint against him. The main charge was that the
brothers made raids on the lands of Numitor, and
pillaged them, with a band of young fellows which
they had got together, like an invading enemy. So
Remus was given up to Numitor to be punished.
From the very beginning Faustulus had entertained
the suspicion that they were children of the royal
blood that he was bringing up in his house ; for he
was aware both that infants had been exposed by
order of the king, and that the time when he had
himself taken up the children exactly coincided with
that event. But he had been unwilling that the

21

LIVY

per occasionera aut per necessitatem aperire 1 nolu-

6 erat. Necessitas prior venit ; ita metu subaetus
Romulo rem aperit. Forte et Numitori, cum in
custodia Remum haberet audissetque geminos esse
fratres, comparando et aetatem eorum et ipsam
minime servilem indolem tetigerat animum memoria
nepotum ; sciscitandoque eodem pervenit, ut baud
procul esset quin Remum agnosceret. Ita undique

7 regi dolus nectitur. Romulus non cum globo iuve-
num — nec enim erat ad vim apertam par — sed aliis
alio itinere iussis certo tempore ad regiam venire
pastoribus ad regem impetum facit, et a domo
Numitoris alia comparata manu adiuvat Remus. Ita
regem obtruncat.2 VI. Numitor inter primum tu-
multum bostis invasisse urbem atque adortos regiam
dictitans, cum pubem Albanam in arcem praesidio
armisque obtinendam avocasset, postquam iuvenes
perpetrata caede pergere ad se gratulantes vidit,
extemplo advocato concilio scelera in se fratris,
originem nepotum, ut geniti, ut educati, ut cogniti
essent, caedem deinceps tyranni seque eius auctorem

2 ostendit. Iuvenes per mediam contionem agmine
ingressi cum avum regem salutassent, secuta ex omni
multitudine consentiens vox ratum nomen imperi-
unique regi efficit.

1 aperire PFUBOE : aperiri (app- H) MRDLH.

2 obtruncat Cl : obtruncant

22

BOOK I. v. 5-V1. 2

matter should be disclosed prematurely, until op-
portunity offered or necessity compelled. Necessity
came first ; accordingly, driven by fear, he revealed
the facts to Romulus. It chanced that Numitor too,
having Remus in custody, and hearing that the
brothers were twins, had been reminded, upon con-
sidering their age and their far from servile nature,
of his grandsons. The inquiries he made led him
to the same conclusion, so that he was almost ready
to acknowledge Remus. Thus on every hand the
toils were woven about the king. Romulus did not
assemble his company of youths — for he was not
equal to open violence — but commanded his shep-
herds to come to the palace at an appointed time,
some by one way, some by another, and so made his
attack upon the king ; while from the house of
Numitor came Remus, with another party which he
had got together, to help his brother. So Romulus
slew the king. VI. At the beginning of the fray
Numitor exclaimed that an enemy had invaded the
city and attacked the palace, and drew off the active
men of the place to serve as an armed garrison for
the defence of the citadel ; and when he saw the
young men approaching, after they had dispatched
the king, to congratulate him, he at once summoned
a council, and laid before it his brother's crimes
against himself, the parentage of his grandsons, and
how they had been born, reared, and recognised.
He then announced the tyrant's death, and declared
himself to be responsible for it. The brothers ad-
vanced with their band through the midst of the
crowd, and hailed their grandfather king, whereupon
such a shout of assent arose from the entire throng
as confirmed the new monarch's title and authority.

23

LIVY

3 Ita Numitori Albana re permissa Romulum Re-
mumque cupido cepit in iis 1 locis ubi expositi ubique
educati erant urbis condendae. Et supererat multi-
tude) Albanorum Latinorumque ; ad id pastores quo
que accesserant, qui omnes facile spem facerent
parvam Albam, parvum Lavinium prae ea urbe quae

4 conderetur fore. Intervenit deinde his cogitationi-
bus avitum malum, regni cupido, atque inde foedum
certamen, coortum a satis miti principio. Quoniam
gemini essent nec aetatis verecundia discrimen facere
posset, ut dii, quorum tutelae ea loca essent, auguriis
legerent, qui nomen novae urbi daret, qui conditam
imperio regeret, Palatium Romulus, Remus Aventi-

a.u.c. l num ad inaugurandum templa capiunt. VII. Priori
Remo augurium venisse fertur, sex vultures, iamque
nuntiato augurio cum duplex numerus Romulo se
ostendisset, utrumque regem sua multitudo consalu-

2 taverat : tempore illi praecepto, at hi numero avium
regnum trahebant. Inde cum altercatione congressi
certamine irarum ad caedem vertuntur ; ibi in turba
ictus Remus cecidit. Vulgatior fama est ludibrio
fratris Remum novos transiluisse muros ; inde ab
irato Romulo, cum verbis quoque increpitans adie-
cisset "sic deinde, quicumque alius transiliet moenia

3 mea," interfectum. Ita solus potitus imperio Romu-
lus ; condita urbs conditoris nomine appellata.

1 iia $- : his £1.

1 A form of the legend preserved by Dion. Hal. i. 87, and
Ovid, Fasti, iv. 843, names Celer, whom Romulus had put
in charge of the rising wall, as the slayer of Remus.

24

BOOK I. vi. 3-vn. 3

The Alban state being thus made over to Numitor,
Romulus and Remus were seized with the desire to
found a city in the region where they had been ex-
posed and brought up. And in fact the population
of Albans and Latins was too large ; besides, there
were the shepherds. All together, their numbers
might easily lead men to hope that Alba would be
small, and Lavinium small, compared with the city
which they should build. These considerations were
interrupted by the curse of their grandsires, the
greed of kingly power, and by a shameful quarrel
which grew out of it, upon an occasion innocent
enough. Since the brothers were twins, and re-
spect for their age could not determine between
them, it was agreed that the gods who had those
places in their protection should choose by augury
who should give the new city its name, who should
govern it when built. Romulus took the Palatine for
his augural quarter, Remus the Aventine. VII. Remus b.c. 753
is said to have been the first to receive an augury,
from the flight of six vultures. The omen had
been already reported when twice that number
appeared to Romulus. Thereupon each was saluted
king by his own followers, the one party laying claim
to the honour from priority, the other from the
number of the birds. They then engaged in a
battle of words and, angry taunts leading to blood-
shed, Remus was struck down in the affray. The
commoner story is that Remus leaped over the new
walls in mockery of his brother, whereupon Romulus
in great anger slew him, and in menacing wise
added these words withal, " So perish whoever else
shall leap over my walls ! " 1 Thus Romulus acquired
sole power, and the city, thus founded, was called
by its founder's name.

25

LIVY

a.u.c. l Palatium primum, in quo ipse erat educatus, mu-

niit. Sacra diis aliis Albano ritu, Graeco Herculi, ut

4 ab Euandro instituta erant, facit. Herculem in ea
loca Geryone interempto boves mira specie abegisse
memorant ac prope Tiberim fluvium, qua prae se
armentum agens nando traiecerat, loco herbido, ut
quiete et pabulo laeto reficeret boves, et ipsum

5 fessum via procubuisse. Ibi cum eum cibo vinoque
gravatum sopor oppressisset, pastor accola eius loci,
nomine Cacus, ferox viribus, captus pulchritudine
bourn cum avertere earn praedam vellet, quia si
agendo armentum in speluncam compulisset ipsa
vestigia quaerentem dominum eo deductura erant,
aversos boves, eximium quemque pulchritudine,

6 caudis in speluncam traxit. Hercules ad primam
auroram somno excitus cum gregem perlustrasset
oculis et partem abesse numero sensisset, pergit ad
proximam speluncam, si forte eo vestigia ferrent.
Quae ubi omnia foras versa vidit nec in partem
aliam ferre, confusus atque incertus animi ex loco
infesto agere porro armentum occepit. Inde cum

7 actae boves quaedam ad desiderium, ut fit, relictarum
mugissent, reddita inclusarum ex spelunca boum vox
Herculem convertit. Quern cum vadentem ad spel-

26

BOOK I. vii. 3-7

His first act was to fortify the Palatine, on which b.c. 753
he had himself been reared. To other gods he sacri-
ficed after the Alban custom, but employed the Greek
for Hercules, according to the institution of Evander.
The story is as follows : Hercules, after slaying
Geryones, was driving off his wondrously beautiful
cattle, when, close to the river Tiber, where he had
swum across it with the herd before him, he found a
green spot, where he could let the cattle rest and
refresh themselves with the abundant grass; and
being tired from his journey he lay down himself.
When he had there fallen into a deep sleep, for he
was heavy with food and wine, a shepherd by the
name of Cacus, who dwelt hard by and was insolent
by reason of his strength, was struck with the beauty
of the animals, and wished to drive them off as plun-
der. But if he had driven the herd into his cave,
their tracks would have been enough to guide their
owner to the place in his search ; he therefore chose
out those of the cattle that were most remarkable
for their beauty, and turning them the other way,
dragged them into the cave by their tails. At day-
break Hercules awoke. Glancing over the herd, and
perceiving that a part of their number was lacking,
he proceeded to the nearest cave, in case there might
be foot-prints leading into it. When he saw that they
were all turned outward and yet did not lead to any
other place, he was confused and bewildered, and
made ready to drive his herd away from that un-
canny spot. As the cattle were being driven off,
some of them lowed, as usually happens, missing those
which had been left behind. They were answered
with a low by the cattle shut up in the cave, and this
made Hercules turn back. When he came towards the

27

LIVY

a.u.c. l uncam Cacus vi prohibere conatus esset, ictus clava
fidem pastorum nequiquam invocans morte occubuit.

8 Euander turn ea profugus ex Peloponneso auctoritate
magis quam imperio regebat loca, venerabilis vir
miraculo litterarum, rei novae inter rudes artium
homines, venerabilior divinitate credita Carmentae
matris, quam fatiloquam ante Sibyllae in Italiam

9 adventum miratae eae gentes fuerant. Is turn
Euander concursu pastorum trepidantium circa ad-
venam manifestae reum caedis excitus postquam
facinus facinorisque causam audivit, habitum for-
mamque viri aliquantum ampliorem augustioremque

10 humana intuens, rogitat qui vir esset. Ubi nomen
patremque ac patriam accepit, "love nate, Hercules,
salve/' inquit; ffte mihi mater, veridica interpres
deum, aucturum caelestium numerum cecinit tibique
aram hie dicatum iri quam opulentissima olim in

11 terris gens maximam vocet tuoque ritu colat." Dex-
tra Hercules data accipere se omen inpleturumque

12 fata ara condita ac dicata ait. Ibi turn primum bove
eximia capta de grege sacrum Herculi 1 adhibitis ad
ministerium dapemque1 Potitiis ac Pinariis, quae
turn familiae maxime inclitae ea loca incolebant,

1 Herculi . . . dapemque MP2 ; omitted by fl.

1 Evander ia said to have invented the Roman alphabet.
28

BOOK I. vii. 7-12

cave, Cacus would have prevented his approach with B ^ 7^
force, but received a blow from the hero's club, and
calling in vain upon the shepherds to protect him,
gave up the ghost. Evander, an exile from the Pelo-
ponnese, controlled that region in those days, more
through personal influence than sovereign power.
He was a man revered for his wonderful invention of
letters,1 a new thing to men unacquainted with the
arts, and even more revered because of the divinity
which men attributed to his mother Carmenta, whom
those tribes had admired as a prophetess before the
Sibyl's coming into Italy. Now this Evander was
then attracted by the concourse of shepherds, who,
crowding excitedly about the stranger, were accusing
him as a murderer caught red-handed. When he had
been told about the deed and the reason for it, and
had marked the bearing of the man and his figure,
which was somewhat ampler and more august than
a mortal's, he inquired who he was. Upon learning
his name, his father, and his birth-place, he ex-
claimed, " Hail, Hercules, son of Jupiter ! You
are he, of whom my mother, truthful interpreter
of Heaven, foretold to me that you should be
added to the number of the gods, and that an altar
should be dedicated to you here which the nation
one day to be the most powerful on earth should
call the Greatest Altar, and should serve according
to your rite." Hercules gave him his hand, and
declared that he accepted the omen, and would fulfil
the prophecy by establishing and dedicating an altar.
Then and there men took a choice victim from the
herd, and for the first time made sacrifice to Her-
cules. For the ministry and the banquet they em-
ployed the Potitii and the Pinarii, being the families

vol. 1.

2Q

c

LIVY

a.u.c. i 13 factum. Forte ita evenit, ut Potitii ad tempus praesto
essent iisque exta apponerentur, Pinarii extis adesis
ad ceteram venirent dapem. Inde institutum man-
sit, donee Pinarium genus fuit, ne extis eorum

14 sollemnium1 vescerentur. Potitii ab Euandro edocti
antistites saeri eius per multas aetatcs fuerunt, donee
tradito servis publicis sollemni familiae ministerio

15 genus omne Potitiorum interiit. Haec turn sacra
Romulus una ex omnibus peregrina suscepit, iam
turn inmortalitatis virtute partae,2 ad quam eum sua
fata ducebant, fautor.

VIII. Rebus divinis rite perpetratis vocataque ad
concilium multitudine, quae coalescere in populi
unius corpus nulla re praeterquam legibus poterat,
iura dedit ; quae ita sancta generi hominum agresti
fore ratus si se ipse venerabilem insignibus imperii
fecisset cum cetero habitu se augustiorem, turn
3 maxime lictoribus duodecim sumptis fecit. Alii ab
numero avium quae augurio regnum portenderant
eum secutum numerum putant : me haud paenitet
eorum sententiae esse quibus et apparitores hoc
genus3 ab Etruscis finitimis, unde sella curulis, unde
toga praetexta sumpta est, et numerum4 quoque
ipsum ductum placet, et ita habuisse Etruscos, quod

1 eorum sollemnium Walters: eo sollemnium (or the like)
n: sollemnium M: sollemnibus (or sol- or so\emj>ii~) FPU £0 E.

2 partae E : parta H.

3 hoc genus Gronov.x et hoc genus H.

4 et numerum Heumann : numerum H.

1 For the story of Cacus and the origin of the Ara Maxima
see also Virgil, Aen. viii. 182-279 ; Prop. iv. 9; Ovid, Fasti,
i. 543-5S6.

3°

BOOK I. vii. 12-viii. 3

of most distinction then living in that region. It so b.c 753
fell out that the Potitii were there at the appointed
time, and to them were served the inwards ; the
Pinarii came after the inwards had been eaten, in
season for the remainder of the feast. Thence came
the custom, which persisted as long as the Pinarian
family endured, that they should not partake of the
inwards at that sacrifice. The Potitii, instructed by
Evander, were priests of this cult for many genera-
tions, until, having delegated to public slaves the
solemn function of their family, the entire stock of the
Potitii died out. This was the only sacred observance,
of all those of foreign origin, which Romulus then
adopted, honouring even then the immortality won
by worth to which his own destiny was leading him.1

VIII. When Romulus had duly attended to the
worship of the gods, he called the people together
and gave them the rules of law, since nothing else
but law could unite them into a single body politic.
But these, he was persuaded, would only appear
binding in the eyes of a rustic people in case he
should invest his own person with majesty, by adopt-
ing emblems of authority. He therefore put on a
more august state in every way, and especially by
the assumption of twelve lictors.2 Some think the
twelve birds which had given him an augury of king-
ship led him to choose this number. For my part,
I am content to share the opinion of those who
derive from the neighbouring Etruscans (whence
were borrowed the curule chair and purple-bordered
toga) not only the type of attendants but their
number as well — a number which the Etruscans
themselves are thought to have chosen because each

* The lictors carried axes in bundles of rods, in readiness
to execute the king's sentence of scourging and decapitation.

31

LIVY

a.u.c. l ex duodecim populis communiter creato rege sin-
gulos singuli populi lictores dederint.

4 Crescebat interim urbs munitionibus alia atque
alia adpetendo loca, cum in spem magis futurae
multitudinis quam ad id quod turn hominum erat

5 munirent. Deinde, ne vana urbis magnitudo esset,
adiciendae multitudinis causa vetere consilio conden-
tium urbes, qui obscuram atque humilem conciendo
ad se multitudinem natam e terra sibi prolem eracn-
tiebantur, locum qui nunc saeptus escendentibus 1

6 inter duos lucos est, asylum aperit. Eo ex finitimis
populis turba omnis, sine discrimine liber an servus
esset, avida novarum rerum perfugit, idque primum

7 ad coeptam magnitudinem roboris fuit. Cum iam
virium baud paeniteret, consilium deinde viribus
parat. Centum creat senatores, sive quia is Humerus
satis erat, sive quia soli centum erant qui creari
patres possent. Patres certe ab honore, patriciique
progenies eorum appellati.

A^c. IX. Iam res Romana adeo erat valida ut cuilibet

finitimarum civitatum bello par esset ; sed penuria
mulierum hominis aetatem duratura magnitudo erat,
quippe quibus nec domi spes prolis nec cum finitimis
2 conubia essent. Turn ex consilio patrum Romulus
lcgatos circa vicinas gentes misit, qui societatem
1 escendentibus Edwards : descendentibus ft.

1 i.e. the Capitoline.

2 As being heads of clans, patres familiarum.

32

BOOK I. vni. 3-IX. 2

of the twelve cities which united to elect the king B.c. 753
contributed one lictor.

Meanwhile the City was expanding and reaching
out its walls to include one place after another, for
they built their defences with an eye rather to the
population which they hoped one day to have than
to the numbers they had then. Next, lest his big
City should be empty, Romulus resorted to a plan
for increasing the inhabitants which had long been
employed by the founders of cities, who gather about
them an obscure and lowly multitude and pretend
that the earth has raised up sons to them. In the
place which is now enclosed, between the two groves
as you go up the hill,1 he opened a sanctuary. Thither
fled, from the surrounding peoples, a miscellaneous
rabble, without distinction of bond or free, eager
for new conditions; and these constituted the first
advance in power towards that greatness at which
Romulus aimed. He had now no reason to be
dissatisfied with his strength, and proceeded to add
policy to strength. He appointed a hundred senators,
whether because this number seemed to him suf-
ficient, or because there were no more than a hundred
who could be designated Fathers.2 At all events, they
received the designation of Fathers from their rank,
and their descendants were called patricians.

IX. Rome was now strong enough to hold her own ^^cj^
in war with any of the adjacent states ; but owing to
the want of women a single generation was likely
to see the end of her greatness, since she had neither
prospect of posterity at home nor the right of inter-
marriage with her neighbours. So, on the advice of
the senate, Romulus sent envoys round among all
the neighbouring nations to solicit for the new people

33

LIVY

3 comibiumque novo populo peterent : urbes quo-
que, ut cetera, ex infimo nasci ; dein, quas 1 sua
virtus ac di iuvent, magnas opes sibi magnumque

4 nomen facere ; satis scire origini Romanae et
deos adfuisse et non defuturam virtutem ; proinde
ne gravarentur homines cum hominibus sanguinem

5 ac genus miscere. Xusquam benigne legatio audita
est : adeo simul spernebant, simul tantam in medio
crescentem molem sibi ac posteris suis metuebant.
A 2 plerisque rogitantibus dimissi, ecquod feminis
quoque asvlum aperuissent ; id enim demum con-

6 par conubium fore. Aegre id Romana pubes passa,
et haud dubie ad vim spectare res coepit. Cui
tempus locumque aptum ut daret Romulus, aegri-
tudinem animi dissimulans ludos ex industria
parat Neptuno equestri sollemnis ; Consualia vocat.

7 Indici deinde finitimis spectaculum iubet, quan-
toque apparatu turn sciebant aut poterant, con-
celebrant, ut rem claram exspectatamque facerent.

8 Multi mortales convenere, studio etiam videndae
novae urbis, maxime proximi quique, Caeninenses,

9 Crustuminij Antemnates ; etiam 8 Sabinorum omnis

1 quas Aldus : qua n 8 A 5- : ac CI.

8 etiam Scheibe : iam P..

1 The Consualia was a harvest festival, held on August 21.
Consus, the true name of the god, is from condert, " to store
up." From the association of the festival with horses came

34

BOOK I. ix. 2-9

an alliance and the privilege of intermarrying. b.c.
Cities, they argued, as well as all other things, take 753-7
their rise from the lowliest beginnings. As time
goes on, those which are aided by their own worth
and by the favour of Heaven achieve great power
and renown. They said they were well assured
that Rome's origin had been blessed with the favour
of Heaven, and that worth would not be lacking ;
their neighbours should not be reluctant to mingle
their stock and their blood with the Romans, who
were as truly men as they were. Nowhere did the
embassy obtain a friendly hearing. In fact men
spurned, at the same time that they feared, both for
themselves and their descendants, that great power
which was then growing up in their midst ; and the
envoys were frequently asked, on being dismissed, if
they had opened a sanctuary for women as well as
for men, for in that way only would they obtain
suitable wives. This was a bitter insult to the young
Romans, and the matter seemed certain to end in
violence. Expressly to afford a fitting time and place
for this, Romulus, concealing his resentment, made
ready solemn games in honour of the equestrian
Neptune, which he called Consualia.1 He then bade
proclaim the spectacle to the surrounding peoples,
and his subjects prepared to celebrate it with all the
resources within their knowledge and power, that
they might cause the occasion to be noised abroad and
eagerly expected. Many people — for they were also
eager to see the new city — gathered for the festival,
especially those who lived nearest, the inhabitants of
Caenina, Crustumium, and Antemnae. The Sabines,

the later identification of the god with Neptunus Equester.
See Fowler, Fest. pp. 206-9.

35

LIVY

multitudo cum liberis ac coniugibus venit. Invitati
hospitaliter per domos cum situm moeniaque et fre-
quentem tectis urbem vidissent, mirantur tarn brevi

10 rem Romanam crevisse. Ubi spectaculi tempus venit
deditaeque eo mentes cum oculis erant, turn ex com-
posite) orta vis, signoque dato iuventus Romana ad

11 rapiendas virgines discurrit. Magna pars forte, in
quern quaeque inciderat, raptae : quasdam forma ex-
cellentes primoribus patrum destinatas ex plebe
homines, quibus datum negotium erat, domos defere-

12 bant: unam longe ante alias specie ac pulchritudine
insignem a globo Thalassii cuiusdam raptam ferunt,
multisque sciscitantibus cuinam earn ferrent, identi-
dem, ne quis violaret, Thalassio ferri clamitatum ;

13 inde nuptial em hanc vocem factam. Turbato per
metum ludicro maesti parentes virginum profugiunt,
incusantes violati hospitii scelus1 deumque invo-
cantes, cuius ad sollemne ludosque per fas ac fidem

14 decepti venissent. Nec raptis aut spes de se melior
aut indignatio est minor. Sed ipse Romulus circumi-
bat docebatque patrum id superbia factum, qui conu-
bium finitimis negassent ; illas tamen in matrimonio,
in societate fortunarum omnium civitatisque, et quo

15 nihil carius humano generi sit, liberum fore; molli-

1 scelus Grunaver : foedus ft.

1 Plutarch, Rom. 15, also gives the story, and observes
that the Romans used " Talasius " as the Greeks did
" Hymenaeus." See also Catullus, lxi. 134.

36

BOOK I. ix. 9-15

too, came with all their people, including their b.c.
children and wives. They were hospitably enter- 753~7
tained in every house, and when they had looked
at the site of the City, its walls, and its numerous
buildings, they marvelled that Rome had so rapidly
grown great. When the time came for the show,
and people's thoughts and eyes were busy with it,
the preconcerted attack began. At a given signal
the young Romans darted this way and that, to seize
and carry off the maidens. In most cases these were
taken by the men in whose path they chanced to be.
Some, of exceptional beauty, had been marked out
for the chief senators, and were carried off to their
houses by plebeians to whom the office had been
entrusted. One, who far excelled the rest in mien
and loveliness, was seized, the story relates, by the
gang of a certain Thalassius. Being repeatedly asked
for whom they were bearing her off, they kept shout-
ing that no one should touch her, for they were
taking her to Thalassius, and this was the origin of
the wedding-cry.1 The sports broke up in a panic,
and the parents of the maidens fled sorrowing. They
charged the Romans with the crime of violating
hospitality, and invoked the gods to whose solemn
games they had come, deceived in violation of re-
ligion and honour. The stolen maidens were no
more hopeful of their plight, nor less indignant. But
Romulus himself went amongst them and explained
that the pride of their parents had caused this deed,
when they had refused their neighbours the right
to intermarry ; nevertheless the daughters should be
wedded and become co-partners in all the posses-
sions of the Romans, in their citizenship and, dearest
privilege of all to the human race, in their children ;

37

LIVY

rent modo iras et, quibus fors corpora dedisset,1
darent animos. Saepc ex iniuria postmodum gratiam
ortam, eoque melioribus usuras viris, quod adnisurus
pro se quisque sit ut, cum suam vicem functus officio
sit, parentium etiam patriaeque expleat desiderium.
16 Accedebant blanditiae virorum factum purgantium
cupiditate atque amore, quae maxime ad muliebre
ingenium efficaces preces sunt.

X. Iam admodum mitigati animi raptis erant ; at
raptarum parentes turn maxime sordida veste lacri-
misque et querellis civitates concitabant. Nec domi
tantum indignationes continebant, sed congregaban-
tur undique ad T. Tatium regem Sabinorurm et lega-
tiones eo, quod maximum Tatii nomen in iis regioni-

2 bus erat, conveniebant. Caeninenses Crustuminique
et Antemnates erant ad quos eius iniuriae pars perti-
nebat. Lente agere his Tatius Sabinique visi sunt :
ipsi inter se tres populi communiter bellum parant.

3 Ne Crustumini quidem atque Antemnates pro ardore
iraque Caeninensium satis se impigre movent ; ita
per se ipsum nomen Caeninum in agrum Romanum

4 impetum facit. Sed effuse vastantibus fit obvius cum
exercitu Romulus levique certamine docet vanam
sine viribus iram esse. Exercitum fundit fugatque,
fusum persequitur : regem in proelio obtruncat et

1 dedisset UOD*: dedissent H.

38

BOOK I. ix. 15-x. 4

only let them moderate their anger, and give their b.c.
hearts to those to whom fortune had given their 753-7
persons. A sense of injury had often given place to
affection, and they would find their husbands the
kinder for this reason, that every man would earnestly
endeavour not only to be a good husband, but also
to console his wife for the home and parents she had
lost. His arguments were seconded by the wooing
of the men, who excused their act on the score of
passion and love, the most moving of all pleas to
a woman's heart.

X. The resentment of the brides was already
much diminished at the very moment when their
parents, in mourning garb and with tears and la-
mentations, were attempting to arouse their states
to action. Nor did they confine their complaints
to their home towns, but thronged from every side
to the house of Titus Tatius, king of the Sabines ;
and thither, too, came official embassies, for the name
of Tatius was the greatest in all that country. The
men of Caenina, Crustumium, and Antemnae, were
those who had had a share in the wrong. It seemed
to them that Tatius and the Sabines were procras-
tinating, and without waiting for them these three
tribes arranged for a joint campaign. But even the
Crustuminians and Antemnates moved too slowly
to satisfy the burning anger of the Caeninenses, and
accordingly that nation invaded alone the Roman
territory. But while they were dispersed and engaged
in pillage, Romulus appeared with his troops and
taught them, by an easy victory, how ineffectual is
anger without strength. Their army he broke and
routed, and pursued it as it fled ; their king he killed

39

LIVY

spoliat; duce hostium occiso urbem primo impetu

5 capit. Inde exereitu victore reducto, ipse, cum factis
vir magnificus turn factor um ostentator baud minor,
spolia ducis hostium caesi suspensa fabricato ad id
apte ferculo gerens in Capitolium escendit ibique ea
cum ad quercum pastoribus sacram deposuisset, simul
cum dono designavit templo Iovis finis cognomenque

6 addidit deo. " Iuppiter Feretri " inquit, "haec tibi
victor Romulus rex regia arma fero, tempi umque his
regionibus quas modo animo metatus sum dedico
sedem opimis spoliis, quae regibus ducibusque hos-
tium caesis me auctorem sequentes postcri ferent."

7 Haec templi est origo quod primum omnium Romae
sacratum est. Ita deinde diis visum, nec inritam
conditoris templi vocem esse qua laturos eo spolia
posteros nuncupavit, nec multitudine conpotum eius
doni volgari laudem. Bina postea inter tot annos;
tot bella, opima parta sunt spolia ; adeo rara eius
fortuna decoris fuit.

XL Dum ea ibi Romani gerunt, Antemnatium
exercitus per occasionem ac solitndinem hostiliter
in fines Romanos incursionem facit. Raptim et ad

1 Jupiter Feretrius (etymology unknown) was the pure
Italian Jupiter, whose worship was later overshadowed by
the Etruscan god of the great temple on the Capitol. See
Fowler, Fest. p. 229.

2 The other instances were the victories of Cossus over
Tolumnius, king of Veii (iv. 20), and of Marcellus over

40

BOOK I. x. 4-X1. i

in battle and despoiled ; their city, once their leader b.c.
was slain, he captured at the first assault. He then 753-7
led his victorious army back, and being not more
splendid in his deeds than willing to display them,
he arranged the spoils of the enemy's dead com-
mander upon a frame, suitably fashioned for the pur-
pose, and, carrying it himself, mounted the Capitol.
Having there deposited his burden, by an oak which
the shepherds held sacred, at the same time as he
made his offering he marked out the limits of a
temple to Jupiter, and bestowed a title upon him.
" Jupiter Feretrius," he said, "to thee I, victorious
Romulus, myself a king, bring the panoply of a king,
and dedicate a sacred precinct within the bounds
which I have even now marked off in my mind, to be
a seat for the spoils of honour which men shall bear
hither in time to come, following my example, when
they have slain kings and commanders of the enemy."
This was the origin of the first temple that was con-
secrated in Rome.1 It pleased Heaven, in the sequel,
that while the founder's words should not be in vain,
when he declared that men should bring spoils thither
in the after time, yet the glory of that gift should
not be staled by a multitude of partakers. Twice
only since then, in all these years with their many
wars, have the spoils of honour been won ; so rarely
have men had the good fortune to attain to that
distinction.2

XI. While the Romans were thus occupied in the
City, the army of the Antemnates seized the oppor-
tunity afforded by their absence, and made an inroad
upon their territory ; but so swiftly was the Roman

Virdomarus, king of the Insubrian Gauls. Propertius tells
the three stories in iv. 10.

41

LIVY

, D i-o ducta palatos in agris oppressit.

nos nomana legi' v & rr

x? • x > impetu et clamore hostes ; oppi-

2 rusi lgitur prime / ,r

t , plicique victoria ovantem Romulum

dum captum ; duf ^

u .,. . precibus raptarum fatigata orat ut
Hersiha coniunx 1 r &

det veniam et in civitatem acci-

parentibus earum

. . ., alescere concordia posse. Facile

piat; ita rem co 1
0 . T de contra Crustuminos profectus

3 impetratum. In r

, n . r .3. Ibi minus etiam. quod alienis
bellum mrerente! } ^

, . j nt animi. certaminis fuit. Utroque

4 cladibus ceciderai 3 ^

, . . plures inventi qui propter uber-

colomae missae ; 1 n 1 r

Crustuminum nomina darent. Et

tatem terrae in

Romam inde fre<^uen*'er n:i*»ratum es^ a parentibus

. tquis raptarum.
maxime ac propm^ 1

„ xt * i> Sabinis bellum ortum. multoque

5 Novissimum af J 1

. i . r .. : nihil enim per iram aut cupidi-

ld maximum fuit r 1

, nec ostenderunt bellum prius quam
tatem actum est, 1 ^

« . . i silio etiam additus dolus. Sp. Tar-

6 intulerunt. Con , *

t-j raeerat arci. Htiius filiam virginem

peius Komanae pt to

.. rr'atius ut armatos in arcem accipiat ;
auro corrumpit 1 1

r . turn sacris extra moenia petitum

aquam lorte ea r
. , » ,. abrutam armis necavere. seu ut vi

7 lerat, Accepti <

c videretur. seu prodendi exempli
ca])ta potius an i

;quam fidum proditori esset. Addi-

8 causa, ne quid us^ r

/. , i n > vulffo Sabini aureas armillas ma^ni
tur tabula/ quod & &

.... Glareanus : fabulae (or -le) H.
1 fabula '

.ie had to draw water from the spring of
xVs a vestal^ si

the Camenae.
42

BOOK I. xi. 1-8

levy led against them that they, too, were taken off b.o.
their guard while scattered about in the fields. They 753-7
were therefore routed at the first charge and shout,
and their town was taken. As Romulus was exulting
in his double victory, his wife Hersilia, beset with
entreaties by the captive women, begged him to for-
give their parents and receive them into the state ;
which would, in that case, gain in strength by har-
mony. He readily granted her request. He then
set out to meet the Crustuminians, who were marching
to attack him. They offered even less resistance than
their allies had done, for their ardour had been
quenched by the defeats of the others. Colonics
were sent out to both places, though most of the
colonists preferred to enrol for Crustumium on ac-
count of the fertility of its soil. On the other
hand, many persons left Crustumium and came to
live in Rome, chiefly parents and kinsmen of the
captured women.

The last to attack Rome were the Sabines, and
this war was by far the gravest of all, for passion
and greed were not their motives, nor did they
parade war before they made it. To their prudence
they even added deception. Spurius Tarpeius com-
manded the Roman citadel. This man's maiden
daughter was bribed with gold by Tatius to admit
armed men into the fortress : she happened at that
time to have gone outside the walls to fetch water
for a sacrifice.1 Once within, they threw their
shields upon her and killed her so, whether to make
it appear that the citadel had been taken by assault,
or to set an example, that no one might anywhere
keep faith with a traitor. There is also a legend
that because most of the Sabines wore heavy golden

43

L1VY

a.u.c. ponderis braechio laevo genimatosque magna specie
anulos habuerint, pepigisse earn quod in sinistris
manibus haberent ; eo scuta illi pro aureis donis con-
9 gesta. Sunt qui earn ex pacto trad en di quod in
sinistris manibus esset derecto arma petisse dicant,
et fraude visam agere, sua ipsam peremptam mer-
cede.

XII. Tenuere tamen arcem Sabini, atque inde
postero die, cum Romanus exercitus instructus quod
inter Palatinum Capitolinumque collem campi est
complessetj non prius descenderunt in aequum quam
ira et cupiditate reciperandae arcis stimulante ani-

2 mos in adversum Romani subiere. Prineipes utrim-
que pugnam ciebant ab Sabinis Mettius Curtius, ab
Romanis Hostius Hostilitis. Hie rem Romanam
iniquo loco ad prima signa animo atque audacia

3 sustinebat. Ut Hostius cecidit, confestim Romana
inclinatur acies fusaque est ad veterem portam
Palatii. Romulus et ipse turba fugientium actus

4 arma ad caelum tollens, " Iuppiter, tuis " inquit,
"iussus avibus hie in Palatio prima urbi fundamenta
ieci. Arcem iam scelere emptam Sabini habent ;

5 inde hue armati superata media valle tendunt ; at
tUj pater deum hominumque, hinc saltern arce hostes*
deme terror em Romanis fu gam que foedam siste !

C Hie ego tibi templum Statori Iovi; quod monumen-

1 According to Dion. Hal. ii. 3S, this was the version given
by L. Calpurnius Piso. Propertius wrote the best of hia
aetiological poems (iv. 5) about Tarpeia.

44

BOOK I. xi. 8-xn. 6

bracelets on their left arms and magnificent jewelled b.c.
rings, she had stipulated for what they had on their 753-7
left arms, and that they had therefore heaped their
shields upon her, instead of gifts of gold. Some say
that, in virtue of the compact that they should give
her what they wore on their arms, she flatly de-
manded their shields and, her treachery being per-
ceived, forfeited her life to the bargain she herself
had struck.1

XII. Be that as it may, the Sabines held the
citadel. Next day the Roman army was drawn up,
and covered the ground between the Palatine Hill
and the Capitoline, but the Sabines would not come
down till rage and eagerness to regain the citadel
had goaded their enemy into marching up the slope
against them. Two champions led the fighting, the
Sabine Mettius Curtius on the one side, and the
Roman Hostius Hostilius on the other. Hostius
held the Romans firm, despite their disadvantage of
position, by the reckless courage he displayed in the
thick of the fray. But when he fell, the Roman
line gave way at once and fled towards the old gate
of the Palatine. Romulus himself was swept along
in the crowd of the fugitives, till lifting his sword
and shield to heaven, he cried, "O Jupiter, it was
thy omen that directed me when I laid here on
the Palatine the first foundations of my City. The
fortress is already bought by a crime and in the pos-
session of the Sabines, whence they are come, sword
in hand, across the valley to seek us here. But do
thou, father of gods and men, keep them back from
this spot at least; deliver the Romans from their
terror, and stay their shameful flight ! I here vow
to thee, Jupiter the Stayer, a temple, to be a

45

LIVY

turn sit posteris tua praesenti ope servatam urbcm

7 esse, voveo." Haec precatus, veluti1 sensisset au-
ditas preces, "Hinc" inquit, <( Romani, Iuppiter
optimus maximus resistere atque iterare pugnam
iubet." Restitere Romani tamquam caelesti voce

8 iussi : ipse ad primores Romulus provolat. Mettius
Curtius ab Sabinis princeps ab arce decucurrerat et
effusos egerat Romanos, toto quantum foro spatium
est. Nec procul iam a porta Palati erat clamitans,
" Vicimus perfidos hospites, imbelles hostes ; iam sciunt
longe aliud esse virgines rapere, aliud pugnare cum

9 viris." In eum haec gloriantem cum globo ferocissi-
morum iuvenum Romulus impetum facit. Ex equo
turn forte Mettius pugnabat ; eo pelli facilius fuit.
Pulsum Romani persequuntur ; et alia Romana acies

10 audacia regis accensa fundit Sabinos. Mettius in
paludem sese strepitu sequentium trepidante equo
coniecit ; averteratque ea res etiam Sabinos tanti
periculo viri. Et ille quidem adnuentibus ac vocan-
tibus suis favore multorum addito animo evadit:
Romani Sabinique in media convalle duorum mon-
tium redintegrant proelium. Sed res Romana erat
superior.

XIII. Turn Sabinae mulieres, quarum ex iniuria
bellum ortum erat, crinibus passis scissaque veste

1 ueluti BR : uelutis Ml Pi: uelut si AP? : ueluti si n.

46

BOOK I. xii. 6-xui. i

memorial to our descendants how the City was saved b.c.
by thy present help." Having uttered this prayer 753~'
he exclaimed, as if he had perceived that it was
heard, " Here, Romans, Jupiter Optimus Maximus
commands us to stand and renew the fight!" The
Romans did stand, as though directed by a voice
from Heaven, Romulus himself rushing into the
forefront of the battle. Mettius Curtius, on the
Sabine side, had led the charge down from the
citadel, and driven the Romans in disorder over
all that ground which the Forum occupies. He was
not now far from the gate of the Palatine, shouting,
"We have beaten our faithless hosts, our cowardly
enemies ! They know now how great is the differ-
ence between carrying off maidens and fighting with
men ! " While he pronounced this boast a band of
gallant youths, led on by Romulus, assailed him. It
chanced that Mettius was fighting on horseback at
the time, and was therefore the more easily put to
flight. As he fled, the Romans followed ; and the
rest of their army, too, fired by the reckless daring of
their king, drove the Sabines before them. Mettius
plunged into a swamp, his horse becoming unman-
ageable in the din of the pursuit, and even the
Sabines were drawn off from the general engage-
ment by the danger to so great a man. As for
Mettius, heartened by the gestures and shouts of
his followers and the encouragement of the throng,
he made his escape ; and the Romans and the Sabines
renewed their battle in the valley that lies between
the two hills. But the advantage rested with the
Romans.

XIII. Then the Sabine women, whose wrong had
given rise to the war, with loosened hair and torn

47

LIVY

a.u.c. victo malis nmliebri pavore, ausae se inter tela vo-

1-37

lantia inferre3 ex transverso impetu facto dirimere

2 infestas acies, dirimere iras, hinc patres hinc viros
orantes ne se sanguine nefando soceri generique
respergerentj ne parrieidio macularent partus suos,

3 nepotum illi, hi liberum progeniem. " Si adfinitatis
inter vos, si conubii piget, in nos vertite iras ; nos
causa belli, nos volnerum ac caedium viris ac paren-
tibus sumus ; melius peribimus quam sine alteris ves-

4 trum viduae aut orbae vivemus." Movet1 res cum
multitudinem turn duces ; silentium et repentina fit
quies ; inde ad foedus faciendum duces prodeunt ;
nec pacem modo, sed civitatem unam ex duabus

5 faciunt. Regnum consociant : imperium omne con-
ferunt Romam. Ita geminata urbe, ut Sabinis tamen
aliquid daretur, Quirites a Curibus appellati. Monu-
mentum eius pugnae, ubi primum ex profunda enier-
sus palude equus Curtium in vado statuit, Curtium
lacum appellarunt.

6 Ex bello tarn tristi laeta repente pax cariores
Sabinas viris ac parentibus et ante omnes Romulo

1 mouet J/V : mouit F : moues L : mouent

1 Quirites probably cornea not from Cures, nor (as Varro
thought) from the Sabine word quiris (curls), " spear," but
from curia {cf, next section); it would then mean "wards-
men."

2 For another explanation of the name see vii. 6. Varro,
L. L. v. 14 ffl, assigns this version of the story to Piso,
the other to Procilius, adding a third, on the authority
of Cornelius and Lutatius, to the effect that the Lacua

48

BOOK I. xiii. 1-6

garments, their woman's timidity lost in a sense ot b.c.
their misfortune, dared to go amongst the flying 753"7j
missiles, and rushing in from the side, to part the
hostile forces and disarm them of their anger, be-
seeching their fathers on this side, on that their
husbands, that fathers-in-law and sons-in-law should
not stain themselves with impious bloodshed, nor pol-
lute with parricide the suppliants' children, grandsons
to one party and sons to the other. " If you regret,"
they continued, "the relationship that unites you,
if you regret the marriage-tie, turn your anger
against us ; we are the cause of war, the cause of
wounds, and even death to both our husbands and our
parents. It will be better for us to perish than to
live, lacking either of you, as widows or as orphans."
It was a touching plea, not only to the rank and file,
but to their leaders as well. A stillness fell on
them, and a sudden hush. Then the leaders came
forward to make a truce, and not only did they agree
on peace, but they made one people out of the two.
They shared the sovereignty, but all authority was
transferred to Rome. In this way the population
was doubled, and that some concession might after
all be granted the Sabines, the citizens were named
Quirites, from the town of Cures.1 As a reminder
of this battle they gave the name of Curtian Lake
to the pool where the horse of Curtius first emerged
from the deep swamp and brought his rider to
safety.2

The sudden exchange of so unhappy a war for a
joyful peace endeared the Sabine women even more
to their husbands and parents, and above all to

Curtius was a place which had been struck by lightning in
the consulship of a Curtius.

49

LIVY

a.u.c. ipsi fecit. Itaque cum populum in curias triginta

7 divideret, nomina earum curiis inposuit. Id non
traditur, cum haud dubie aliquanto numerus maior
hoc mulierum fuerit, aetate an dignitatibus suis
virorumve an sorte lectae sint quae nomina curiis

8 darent. Eodem tempore et centuriae tres equitum
conscriptae sunt. Ramnenses ab Romulo, ab T.
Tatio Titienses appellate Lucerum nominis et origi-
nis causa incerta est. Inde non modo commune, sed
concors etiam regnum duobus regibus fuit.

XIV. Post aliquot annos propinqui regis Tatii
legatos Laurentium pulsant, cumque Laurentes iure
gentium agerent, apud Tatium gratia suorum et

2 preces plus poterant. Igitur illorum poenam in se
vertit ; nam Lavinir, cum ad sollemne sacrificium eo

3 venisset, concursu facto interficitur. Earn rem minus
aegre quam dignum erat tulisse Romulum ferunt,
seu ob infidam societatem regni, seu quia haud
iniuria caesum credebat. Itaque bello quidem absti-
nuit ; ut tamen expiarentur legatorum iniuriae regis-
que caedesj foedus inter Romam Laviniumque urbes
renovatum est.

4 Et cum his quidem insperata pax erat : aliud multo
propius atque in ipsis prope portis bellum ortum.
Fidenates nimis vicinas prope se convalescere opes

1 The curia was a political unit the members of which had
certain religious rites in common.

2 All three names are obscure, but it is not improbable
that they represent a Roman, a Sabine, and an Etruscan
element in the population.

5°

BOOK I. xm. 6-xiv. 4

Romulus himself. And so, when he divided the
people into thirty curiae, he named these wards after
the women.1 Undoubtedly the number of the women
was somewhat greater than this, but tradition does
not tell whether it was their age, their own or their
husbands' rank, or the casting of lots, that deter-
mined which of them should give their names to
the wards. At the same time there were formed
three centuries of knights : the Ramnenses were
named after Romulus ; the Titienses after Titus
Tatius ; the name and origin of the Luceres are
alike obscure.2 From this time forth the two kings
ruled not only jointly but, in harmony. _
~ XIV. Some years later the kinsmen of King Tatius
maltreated the envoys of the Laurentians, and when
their fellow-citizens sought redress under the law of
nations, Titus yielded to his partiality for his rela-
tions and to their entreaties. In consequence of
this he drew down their punishment upon himself,
for at Lavinium, whither he had gone to the annual
sacrifice, a mob came together and killed him. This
act is said to have awakened less resentment than
was proper in Romulus, whether owing to the dis-
loyalty that attends a divided rule, or because he
thought Tatius had been not unjustly slain. He
therefore declined to go to war; but yet, in order
that he might atone for the insults to the envoys
and the murder of the king, he caused the covenant
between Rome and Lavinium to be renewed.

Thus with the Laurentians peace was preserved
against all expectation ; but another war broke out,
much nearer, and indeed almost at the city gates.
The men of Fidenae, perceiving the growth of a
power which they thought too near themselves for

S1

LIVY

rati, priusquam tantum roboris esset quantum futu-
rum apparebat, occupant bellum facere. Iuventute
armata immissa vastatur agri quod inter urbem ac

5 Fidenas est. Inde ad laevam versi, quia dextra
Tiberis arcebat, cum magna trepidatione agrestium
populantur; tumultusque repens ex agris in urbem

6 inlatus pro nuntio fuit. Excitus Romulus — neque
enim dilationem pati tarn vicinum bellum poterat —
exercitum educit, castra a Fidenis mille passuum

7 locat. Ibi modico praesidio relicto egressus omnibus
copiis partem militum locis circa densa virgulta 1
obscuris subsidere in insidiis iussit ; cum parte maiore
atque omni equitatu profectus, id quod quaerebat,
tumultuoso et minaci genere pugnae, adequitando
ipsis prope portis hostem excivit. Fugae quoque,
quae simulanda erat, eadem equestris pugna causam

8 minus mirabilem dedit. Et cum, velut inter pugnae
fugaeque consilium trepidante equitatu, pedes quoque
referret gradum, plenis repente portis eflfusi hostes
impulsa Romana acie studio instandi sequendique

9 trahuntur ad locum insidiarum. Inde subito exorti
Romani transversam invadunt hostium aciem ; addunt
pavorem mota e castris signa eorum qui in praesidio
relicti fuerant ; ita multiplici terrore perculsi Fide-
nates prius paene quam Romulus quique avehi cum
eo visi erant2 circumagerent frenis equos, terga ver-

1 densa uirgulta H. J. Mueller : obsita uirgulta Conway :
densa obsita uirgulta fl.

2 quique auehi cum eo uisi erant Walters : quique cum eo
uisi erant (quisierant P : equis ierant P*FB) UOEHPFB :
quique cum eo quique cum equis abierant usi (uisi DL)
MDL : quique cum eo equites erant D2^-.

52

BOOK I. xiv. 4-9

safety, did not wait till its promised strength should
be realized, but began war themselves. Arming the
young men, they sent them to ravage the land be-
tween the City and Fidenae. Thence they turned
to the left — for the Tiber stopped them on the right
—and by their devastations struck terror into the
farmers, whose sudden stampede from the fields into
the City brought the first tidings of war. Romulus
led forth his army on the instant, for delay was im-
possible with the enemy so near, and pitched his
camp a mile from Fidenae. Leaving there a small
guard, he marched out with all his forces. A part
of his men he ordered to lie in ambush, on this side
and on that, where thick underbrush afforded cover ;
advancing with the greater part of the infantry and
all the cavalry, and delivering a disorderly and pro-
voking attack, in which the horsemen galloped al-
most up to the gates, he accomplished his purpose
of drawing out the enemy. For the flight, too, which
had next to be feigned, the cavalry engagement
afforded a favourable pretext. And when not only
the cavalry began to waver, as if undecided whether
to fight or run, but the infantry also fell back, the
city gates were quickly thronged by the enemy, who
poured out and hurled themselves against the Roman
line, and in the ardour of attack and pursuit were
drawn on to the place of ambuscade. There the
Romans suddenly sprang out and assailed the enemy's
flanks, while, to add to their terror, the standards of
the detachment which had been left on guard were
seen advancing from the camp ; thus threatened by
so many dangers the men of Fidenae scarcely af-
forded time for Romulus and those whom they had
seen riding off with him to wheel about, before they

53

LIVY

10 tunt; multoque effusius, quippe vera fuga, qui simu-
lantes paulo ante secuti erant, oppidum repetebant.

11 Non tamen eripuere se hosti : haerens in tergo Ro-
manus, priusquam fores portarum obicerentur, velut
agmine uno inrumpit.

XV; Belli Fidenatis contagione inritati Veientium
animi et consanguinitate — nam Fidenates quoque
Etrusci fuerunt — et quod ipsa propinquitas loci, si
Romana arraa omnibus infesta finitimis essent, stimu-
labat. In fines Romanos excucurrerunt populabundi

2 magis quam iusti more belli. Itaque non castris
positis, non exspectato hostium exercitu raptam ex
agris praedam portantes Veios rediere. Romanus
contra, postquam hostem in agris non invenit, dimi-
cationi ultimae instructus intentusque Tiberim tran-

3 sit. Quem postquam castra ponere et ad urbem
accessurum Veientes audivere, obviam egressi, ut
potius acie decernerent quam inclusi de tectis moeni-

4 busque dimicarent. Ibi viribus nulla arte1 adiutis
tantum veterani robore exercitus rex Romanus vicit,
persecutusque fusos ad moenia hostes urbe valida
muris ac situ ipso munita abstinuit : agros rediens

1 arte F3$- Petrus Nannius : parte fl.

54

BOOK I. xiv. 9-xv. 4

broke and ran, and in far greater disorder than that
of the pretended fugitives whom they had just been
chasing — for the flight was a real one this time —
sought to regain the town. But the Fidenates did
not escape their foes ; the Romans followed close
upon their heels, and before the gates could be shut
burst into the city, as though they both formed but
a single army.

XV. From Fidenae the war-spirit, by a kind of
contagion, spread to the Veientes, whose hostility
was aroused by their kinship with the Fidenates,
Etruscans like themselves, and was intensified by the
danger which lay in their very proximity to Rome,
if her arms should be directed against all her neigh-
bours. They made an incursion into Roman territory
which more resembled a marauding expedition than
a regular campaign ; and so, without having en-
trenched a camp or waited for the enemy's army,
they carried off their booty from the fields and
brought it back to Veii. The Romans, on the con-
trary, not finding their enemy in the fields, crossed
the Tiber, ready and eager for a decisive struggle.
When the Veientes heard that they were making a
camp, and would be advancing against their city,
they went out to meet them, preferring to settle
the quarrel in the field of battle rather than to be
shut up and compelled to fight for their homes and
their town. Without employing strategy to aid his
forces, the Roman king won the battle by the sheer
strength of his seasoned army, and routing his ene-
mies, pursued them to their walls. But the city was
strongly fortified, besides the protection afforded by
its site, and he refrained from attacking it. Their
fields, indeed, he laid waste as he returned, more in

55

LIVY

5 vastat, ulciscendi magis quam praedae studio. Eaque
clade haud minus quam adversa pugna subacti Vei-
entes pacem petitum oratores Romam mittunt. Agri
parte multatis in centum annos indutiae datae.

6 Haec ferme Romulo regnante domi militiaeque
gesta, quorum nihil absonum fidei divinae originis
divinitatisque post mortem creditae fait, non animus
in regno avito reciperando, non condendae urbis

7 consilium, non bello ac pace firmandae. Ab illo
enim profecto viribus datis tantum valuit ut in quad-

8 raginta deinde annos tutam pacem haberet. Multi-
tudini tamen gratior fuit quam patribus, longe ante
alios acceptissimus militum animis ; trecentosque
armatos ad custodiam corporis, quos Celeres appel-
lavit, non in bello solum sed etiam in pace habuit.

XVI. His inmortalibus editis operibus cum ad
exercitum recensendum contionem in campo ad
Caprae paludem habere^ subito coorta tempestas
cum magno fragore tonitribusque tarn denso regem
operuit nimbo ut conspectum eius contioni abstu-
2 lerit; nec deinde in terris Romulus fuit. Romana
pubes sedato tandem pavore, postquam ex tarn tur-
bido die serena et tranquilla lux rediit, ubi vacuam
sedem regiam vidit, etsi satis credebat patribus, qui

1 Literally, "the Swift."

2 For the deification cf. Cic. de Rep, ii. 17 ; Dion. Hal.
ii. 56 ; Pint. Bom. xxvii. Ovid also tells the story in Fasti,
ii. 491 ff., and Met. xiv. S06 ff.

56

BOOK I. xv. 4-xvi. 2

revenge than from a desire for booty, and this disaster, b.c.
following upon their defeat, induced the Veientes to 753-717
send envoys to Rome and sue for peace. They were
deprived of a part of their land, and a truce was
granted them for a hundred years.

Such were the principal achievements of the reign
of Romulus, at home and in the field, nor is any of
them incompatible with the belief in his divine
origin and the divinity which was ascribed to the
king after his death, whether one considers his spirit
in recovering the kingdom of his ancestors, or his
wisdom in founding the City and in strengthening it
by warlike and peaceful measures. For it was to
him, assuredly, that Rome owed the vigour which
enabled her to enjoy an untroubled peace for the
next forty years. Nevertheless, he was more liked
by the commons than by the senate, and was pre-
eminently dear to the hearts of his soldiers. Of
these he had three hundred for a bodyguard, to
whom he gave the name of Celeres,1 and kept them
by him, not only in war, but also in time of peace.

XVI. When these deathless deeds had been done, b.o. 716
as the king was holding a muster in the Campus
Martius, near the swamp of Capra, for the purpose
of reviewing the army, suddenly a storm came up,
with loud claps of thunder, and enveloped him in a
cloud so thick as to hide him from the sight of the
assembly ; and from that moment Romulus was no
more on earth.2 The Roman soldiers at length re-
covered from their panic, when this hour of wild
confusion had been succeeded by a sunny calm ; but
when they saw that the royal seat was empty, al-
though they readily believed the assertion of the
senators, who had been standing next to Romulus,

57

LIVY

proximi steterant, sublimem raptum procella, tamen
velut orbitatis metu icta maestum aliquamdiu silen-

3 tium obtinuit. Deinde a paucis initio facto deum
deo natum, regem parentemque urbis Romanae sal-
vere universi Romulum iubent; pacem precibus ex-
poscunt, uti volens propitius suam semper sospitet

4 progeniem. Fuisse credo turn quoque aliquos qui
discerptum regem patrum manibus taciti arguerent ;
manavit enim haec quoque sed perobscura fama ;
illam alteram admiratio viri et pavor praesens nobili-

5 tavit. Et consilio etiam unius hominis addita rei
dicitur fides. Namque Proculus Iulius, sollicita civi-
tate desiderio regis et infensa patribus, gravis, ut
traditur, quamvis magnae rei auctor, in contionem

6 prodit. "Romulus" inquit, "Quirites, parens urbis
huiiiSj prima hodierna luce caelo repente delapsus se
mihi obvium dedit. Cum perfusus horrore venera-
bundus 1 adstitissem, petens precibus ut contra in-

7 tueri fas esset, ' Ahi, nuntia/ inquit ' Romanis
caelestes ita velle ut mea Roma caput orbis ter-
rarum sit ; proinde rem militarem colant, sciantque
et ita posteris tradant nullas opes humanas armis
Romanis resistere posse.' Haec," inquit, "locutus

8 sublimis abiit." Mirum quantum ill i viro nunti-
anti haec fides fuerit, quamque desiderium Romuli

1 uenerabundus : uenerabundusque n.

1 The Romans regularly prayed with the head cloaked.

58

BOOK I. xvi. 2-8

that he had been caught up on high in the blast, they b.o.716
nevertheless remained for some time sorrowful and
silent, as if filled with the fear of orphanhood. Then,
when a few men had taken the initiative, they all
with one accord hailed Romulus as a god and a god's
son, the King and Father of the Roman City, and
with prayers besought his favour that he would
graciously be pleased forever to protect his children.
There were some, I believe, even then who secretly
asserted that the king had been rent in pieces by
the hands of the senators, for this rumour, too, got
abroad, but in very obscure terms ; the other version
obtained currency, owing to men's admiration for the
hero and the intensity of their panic. And the
shrewd device of one man is also said to have gained
new credit for the story. This was Proculus Julius,
who, when the people were distracted with the loss
of their king and in no friendly mood towards the
senate, being, as tradition tells, weighty in council,
were the matter never so important, addressed the
assembly as follows : " Quirites, the Father of this
City, Romulus, descended suddenly from the sky at
dawn this morning and appeared to me. Covered
with confusion, I stood reverently before him, pray-
ing that it might be vouchsafed me to look upon his
face without sin.1 ( Go,' said he, 'and declare to
the Romans the will of Heaven that my Rome shall
be the capital of the world ; so let them cherish the
art of war, and let them know and teach their
children that no human strength can resist Roman
arms.' So saying," he concluded, " Romulus de-
parted on high." It is wonderful what credence
the people placed in that man's tale, and how the
grief for the loss of Romulus, which the plebeians

59

LIVY

apud plebem exercitumque facta fide inmortalitatis
lenitum sit.

XVII. Patrum interim animos certamen regni ac
cupido versabat. Necdum ad singulos,1 quia nemo
magnopere eminebat in novo populo, pervenerat :

2 factionibus inter ordines certabatur. Oriundi ab
Sabinis, ne, quia post Tati mortem ab sua parte non
erat regnatum, in societate aequa possessionem im-
perii amitterent, sui corporis creari regem volebant ;
Romani veteres peregrinum regem aspernabantur.

3 In variis voluntatibus regnari2 tamen omnes volebant

4 libertatis dulcedine nondum experta. Timor deinde
patres incessit, ne civitatem sine imperio, exercitum
sine duce multarum circa civitatium inritatis animis
vis aliqua externa adoriretur. Et esse igitur aliquod
caput placebat, et nemo alteri concedere in animum

6 inducebat. Ita rem inter se centum patres, decern
decuriis factis singulisque in singulas decurias creatis
qui summae rerum praeessent, consociant. Decern
imperitabant : unus cum insignibus imperii et lictori-

6 bus erat ; quinque dierum spatio finiebatur imperium
ac per omnes in orbem ibat ; annu unique intervallum
regni fuit. Id ab re, quod nunc quoque tenet nomen,

7 interregnum appellatum. Fremere deinde plebs
multiplicatam servitutem, centum pro uno dominos

1 ad singulos Oraevius : a singulis fl.

2 regnari $- : regnare n.

6o

BOOK I. xvi. 8-xvn. 7

and the army felt, was quieted by the assurance of b.o. 716
his immortality.

XVII. The senators meanwhile were engaged in a
struggle for the coveted kingship. So far it had not
come to a question of any one person, for nobody
stood out with special prominence in the new nation ;
instead, a strife of factions was waging between the
two stocks. Those of Sabine origin, having had no
king on their side since the death of Tatius, feared
that despite their equal rights they might lose their
hold upon the sovereign power, and hence desired
that the king should be chosen from their own body.
The original Romans spurned the idea of an alien
king. Various, however, as were men's inclinations,
to be ruled by a king was their universal wish, for
they had not yet tasted the sweetness of liberty.
Then the senators became alarmed, lest the state
wanting a ruler and the army a leader, and many
neighbouring states being disaffected, some violence
might be offered from without. All therefore were
agreed that there should be some head, but nobody
could make up his mind to yield to his fellow. And
so the hundred senators shared the power among
themselves, establishing ten decuries and appointing
one man for each decury to preside over the ad-
ministration. Ten men exercised authority ; only
one had its insignia and lictors. Five days was the
period of his power, which passed in rotation to all ;
and for a year the monarchy lapsed. This interval
was called, as it was, an interregnum, a name which
even yet obtains. Murmurs then arose among the
plebs that their servitude had been multiplied ; that
a hundred masters had been given them instead of

VOL. I,

61

D

LIVY

factos ; nec ultra nisi regem et ab ipsis creatum vide-

8 bantur passuri. Cum sensissent ea moveri patres^
ofFerendum ultro rati quod amissuri erant^ ita gratiam
ineunt summa potestate populo permissa ut non

9 plus darent iuris quam retinerent.1 Decreverunt
enim ut cum populus regem iussisset, id sic ratum 2
esset, si patres auctores fierent. Hodic quoque in
legibus magistratibusque rogandis usurpatur idem3
ius vi adempta ; priusquam populus suffragium ineat,
in incertum comitiorum evcntum patres auctores

10 fiunt. Turn interrex contione advocata, " Quod bo-
nura, faustum felixque sit " inquit, ffQuiriteSj regem
create ; ita patribus visum est. Patres deinde, si
dignum qui secundus ab Romulo numeretur crearitis.

11 auctores fient." Adeo id gratum plebi fuit ut, ne
victi beneficio viderentur, id modo sciscerent iube-
rentque, ut senatus decerneret qui Romae regnaret.

XVI II. Inclita iustitia religioque ea tempestate
Numae Pompili erat. Curibus Sabinis habitabat,
consultissimus vir, ut in ilia quisquam esse aetate
2 poterat, omnis divini atque humani iuris. Auctorem
doctrinae eius, quia non exstat alius, falso Samium
Pythagoram eduntj quern Servio Tullio regnante
Romae, centum amplius post annos, in ultima Italiae

1 retinerent Gronov.: detinerent n.

2 sic ratum FiDA^ : si (sic U) gratum H.
1 idem Fz<? : id enim n.

62

BOOK I. xvii. 7-XV111. 2

one. No longer, it seemed, would they endure any- b.c. 716
thing short of a king, and a king, too, of their own
choosing. Perceiving that such ideas were in the
wind, the senators thought it would be well to
proffer spontaneously a thing which they were on
the verge of losing, and obtained the favour of the
people by granting them supreme power on such
terms as to part with no greater prerogative than
they retained. For they decreed that when the
people should have named a king, their act should
only be valid in case the senators ratified it. Even
now, in voting for laws and magistrates, the same
right is exercised, but is robbed of its significance ;
before the people can begin to vote, and when the
result of the election is undetermined, the Fathers
ratify it. On the present occasion the interrex sum-
moned the assembly and spoke as follows: "May
prosperity, favour, and fortune attend our action !
Quirites, choose your king. Such is the pleasure of
the Fathers, who, in their turn, if your choice fall
upon one worthy to be called Romulus' successor,
will confirm your election." This so pleased the
plebs, that, unwilling to appear outdone in gener-
osity, they merely resolved and ordered that the
senate should decree who should be king in Rome.

XVIII. A great reputation for justice and piety
was enjoyed in those days by Numa Pompilius.
Cures, a town of the Sabines, was his home, and
he was deeply versed, so far as anyone could be in
that age, in all law, divine and human. The teacher
to whom he owed his learning was not, as men sav,
in default of another name, the Samian Pythagoras ;
for it is well established that Servius Tullius was
king at Rome, more than a hundred years after this

63

LIVY

ora circa Metapontum Heracleamque et Crotona
iuvenum aemulantium studia coetus habuisse con-

3 stat. Ex quibus locis, etsi eiusdem aetatis fuisset,
quae fama in Sabinos ? Aut quo linguae commercio
quemquam ad cupiditatem discendi excivisset ? Quo-
ve praesidio unus per tot gentes dissonas scrmone

4 moribusque pervenisset ? Suopte igitur ingenio tem-
peratum animum virtutibus fuisse opinor magis in-
structumque non tarn peregrinis artibus quam dis-
ciplina tetrica ac tristi veterum Sabinortim, quo

5 genere nullum quondam incorruptius fuit. Audito
nomine Numae patres Romani, quamquam inclinari
opes ad Sabinos rege inde sumpto videbantur, tamen
neque se quisquam nec factionis suae alium nec
denique patrum aut civium quemquam praeferre illi
viro ausi ad unum omnes Numae Pompilio regnum

6 deferendum decernunt. Accitus, sicut Romulus
augurato urbe condenda regnum adeptus est, de se
quoque deos consuli iussit. Inde ab augure, cui
deinde honoris ergo publicum id perpetuumque
sacerdotium fuit, ded actus in arcem in lapide 1 ad

7 meridiem versus consedit. Augur ad laevam eius
capite velato sedem cepit, dextra manu baculum sine
nodo aduncum tenens, quem lituum appellarunt.

1 in lapide Bg- : in lapidem (or lapidem) fl.

1 It was about 530 B.C. when Pythagoras settled in Croton.

e4

BOOK I. xviii. 2-7

time, when Pythagoras gathered about him, on the b.o. 716
farthest coasts of Italy, in the neighbourhood of Me-
tapontum, Heraclea, and Croton, young men eager
to share his studies.1 And from that country, even
if he had been contemporary, how could his fame
have reached the Sabines ? Again, in what common
language could he have induced anyone to seek
instruction of him? Or under whose protection
could a solitary man have made his way through so
many nations differing in speech and customs ? It
was Numa's native disposition, then, as I incline to
believe, that tempered his soul with noble qualities,
and his training was not in foreign studies, but in
the stern and austere discipline of the ancient Sa-
bines, a race incorruptible as any race of the olden
time. When Numa's name had been proposed, the
Roman senators perceived that the Sabines would
gain the ascendancy if a king were to be chosen
from that nation ; yet nobody ventured to urge his
own claims in preference to those of such a man,
nor the claim of any other of his faction, nor those,
in short, of any of the senators or citizens. And so
they unanimously voted to offer the sovereignty to
Numa Pompilius. Being summoned to Rome he com-
manded that, just as Romulus had obeyed the augural
omens in building his city and assuming regal power,
so too in his own case "the gods should be consulted.
Accordingly an augur (who thereafter, as a mark of
honour, was made a priest of the state in permanent
charge of that function) conducted him to the
citadel and caused him to sit down on a stone,
facing the south. The augur seated himself on
Numa's left, having his head covered, and holding
his in right hand the crooked staff without a knot

65

L1VY

a.u.o. Inde ubi prospectu in urbem agrumque capto deos
prccatus regiones ab oriente ad occasum determina-
vit, dextras ad meridiem partes, laevas ad septen-

8 trioiiem esse dixit ; signum contra, quoad1 ongissime
conspectum oculi ferebant, animo finivit ; turn lituo
in laevam manura translate* dextra in caput Numae

9 imposita ita precatus est,2 "Iuppiter pater, si est fas
hunc Numam Pompilium, cuius ego caput teneo,
regem Romae esse, uti tu signa nobis certa adcla-

10 rassis inter eos fines quos feci." Turn peregit verbis

auspicia quae mitti vellet, Quibus missis declaratus

rex Numa de templo descendit.

a.u.c. XIX. Qui regno ita potitus urbem novam, condi-

3y-82

tarn vi et armis, iure earn legibusque ac moribus de

2 integro condere parat. Quibus cum inter bella ad-
suescere videret non posse, quippe efferari militia
animos, mitigandum ferocem populum annorum de-
suetudine ratus, Ianum ad infimum Argiletum indi-
cem pacis bellique fecit, apertus ut in armis esse
civitatem, clausus pacatos circa omnes populos signi-

3 ficaret. Bis deinde post Numae regnum clausus
fuit, semel T, Manlio consule post Punicum primum
perfectum bellum, iterum, quod nostrae aetati di
dederunt ut videremus, post bellum Actiacum ab
imperatore Caesare Augusto pace terra manque

1 quoad Wtissenborn : quod H : quo PV : quo M.

2 ita precatus est Walters : precatus est ita ORDL : pre-
catus ita est MPFUBEH.

66

BOOK I. xviii. 7-xix. 3

which they call a lituus. Then, looking out over the b.o. 7ie
City and the country beyond, he prayed to the gods,
and marked oft' the heavens by a line from east to
west, designating as s right ' the regions to the south,
as 'left* those to the north, and fixing in his mind a
landmark opposite to him and as far away as the eye
could reach ; next shifting the crook to his left hand
and, laying his right hand on Nuina's head, he
uttered the following prayer : " Father Jupiter, if it
is Heaven's will that this man Numa Pompilius,
whose head I am touching, be king in Rome, do thou
exhibit to us unmistakable signs within those limits
which I have set." He then specified the auspices
which he desired should be sent, and upon their ap-
pearance Numa was declared king, and so descended
from the augural station.

XIX. When he had thus obtained the kingship, he b.c.
prepared to give the new City, founded by force of 715-672
arms, a new foundation in law, statutes, and observ-
ances. And perceiving that men could not grow
used to these things in the midst of wars, since their
natures grew wild and savage through warfare, he
thought it needful that his warlike people should be
softened by the disuse of arms, and built the temple
of Janus at the bottom of the Argiletum, as an index
of peace and war, that when open it might signify
that the nation was in arms, when closed that all the
peoples round about were pacified. Twice since
Numa's reign has it been closed : once in the consul-
ship of Titus Manlius, after the conclusion of the
First Punic War; the second time, which the gods
permitted our own generation to witness, was after
the battle of Actium, when the emperor Caesar
Augustus had brought about peace on land and

67

LIVY

4 parta. Clauso eo cum omnium circa finitimorum
societate ac foederibus iunxisset animos, positis ex-
ternorum periculorum curis ne luxuriarent otio animi,
quos metus hostium disciplinaque militaris continu-
erat, omnium primum, rem ad multitudinem imperi-
tam et illis saeculis rudem efficacissimam, deorum

5 metum iniciendum ratus est. Qui cum descendere
ad animos sine aliquo commento miraculi non posset,
simulat sibi cum dea Egeria congressus nocturnos
esse ; eius se monitu, quae acceptissima diis essent
sacra instituere, sacerdotes suos cuique deorum prae-
ficere.

6 Atque omnium primum ad cursus lunae in duo-
decim menses discribit 1 annum ; quern, quia tricenos
dies singulis mensibus luna non explet, desuntque
undecim dies2 solido anno qui solstitiali circum-
agitur orbe, intercalariis 3 mensibus interponendis ita
dispensavit, ut vicesimo anno ad metam eandem
solis unde orsi essent, plenis omnium annorum

7 spatiis, dies congruerent. Idem nefastos dies fastos-
que fecit, quia aliquando nihil cum populo agi utile
futurum erat.

1 discribit Buecheler : describit n.

2 desuntque uudecim dies J. S. Reid {who, however prefers
to assume that Livy did not commit himself to any definite
number of days. See Jour. Bom. Stud. V. p. 144) : des
(= desunt) qui {for que ui) dies B, whence Conway proposes
desuntque sex dies {but ui = VI may be a corruption of XI) r
desuntque dies fl.

3 intercalariis Heerwagen : intercalares CI.

63

BOOK I. xix. 3-7

sea.1 Nunia closed the temple after first securing the b.c.
good will of all the neighbouring tribes by alliances 715-0
and treaties. And fearing lest relief from anxiety on
the score of foreign perils might lead men who had
hitherto been held back by fear of their enemies and
by military discipline into extravagance and idleness,
he thought the very first thing to do, as being the
most efficacious with a populace which was ignorant
and, in those early days, uncivilized, was to imbue
them with the fear of Heaven. As he could not
instil this into their hearts without inventing some
marvellous story, he pretended to have nocturnal
meetings with the goddess Egeria, and that hers
was the advice which guided him in the establish-
ment of rites most approved by the gods, and in the
appointment of special priests for the service of each.

And first of all he divided the year into twelve
months, according to the revolutions of the moon.
But since the moon does not give months of quite
thirty days each, and eleven days are wanting to the
full complement of a year as marked by the sun's
revolution, he inserted intercalary months in such a
way that in the twentieth year the days should fall
in with the same position of the sun from which
they had started, and the period of twenty years be
rounded out. He also appointed days when public
business might not be carried on, and others when
it might, since it would sometimes be desirable that
nothing should be brought before the people.

1 This was evidently written before 25 B.C., when the
temple was again closed by Augustus. But it was not
written before 27, for it was not until that year that the
title of Augustus was conferred upon the emperor. We
thus arrive at an approximate date for the beginning of
Livy's history.

e9

LIVY

XX. Turn sacerdotibus creandis animum adiecit,
quamquam ipse plurima sacra obibat, ea maxime

2 quae nunc ad Dialem naminem pertinent. Sed quia
in civitate bellicosa plures Romuli quam Numae
similes reges putabat fore iturosque ipsos ad bella,
ne sacra regiae vicis desererentur, flaminem Iovi
adsiduum sacerdotem creavit insignique eum veste
et curuli regia sella adornavit. Huic duos flamines

3 adiecit, Marti unum, alterum Quirino ; virginesque
Vestae legit, Alba oriundum sacerdotium et genti
conditoris hand alienum. lis, ut adsiduae templi
antistites essent, stipendium de publico statuit, vir-
ginitate aliisque caerimoniis venerabiles ac sanctas

4 fecit. Salios item duodecim Marti Gradivo legit
tunicaeque pictae insigne dedit et super tunicam
aeneum pectori tegumen caelestiaque arma, quae
ancilia appellantur, ferre ac per urbem ire canentes
carmina cum tripudiis sollemnique saltatu iussit.

5 Pontificem deinde Numam Marcium Marci filium ex
patribus legit eique sacra omnia exscripta exsigna-
taque attribuit, quibus hostiis, quibus diebus, ad
quae templa sacra fierent atque unde in eos sumptus

6 pecunia erogaretur. Cetera quoque omnia publica
privataque sacra pontificis scitis subiecit, ut esset

1 The original audit was a shield fabled to have fallen
from heaven. To lessen the chance of its being stolen,
eleven others were made exactly like it. It was of a
peculiar shape, something like a violin. See Fowler, Feat.
p. 42.

7o

BOOK I. xx. 1-6

XX. He then turned his attention to the appoint- B c>
ment of priests, although he performed very many ^5-672
priestly duties himself, especially those which now
belong to the Flamen Dialis. But inasmuch as he
thought that in a warlike nation there would be more
kings like Romulus than like Numa, and that they
would take the field in person, he did not wish the
sacrificial duties of the kingly office to be neg-
lected, and so appointed a flamen for Jupiter, as
his perpetual priest, and provided him with a con-
spicuous dress and the royal curule chair. To him
he added two other flamens, one for Mars, the
other for Quirinus. In like manner he designated
virgins for Vesta's service — a priesthood, this, that
derived from Alba and so was not unsuited to the
founder's stock. That they might be perpetual
priestesses of the temple, he assigned them a
stipend from the public treasury, and by the rule of
virginity and other observances invested them with
awe and sanctity. He likewise chose twelve Salii for
Mars Gradivus, and granted them the distinction of
wearing the embroidered tunic and over it a bronze
breastplate, and of bearing the divine shields which
men call ancilia,1 while they proceeded through the
City, chanting their hymns to the triple beat of their
solemn dance. He next chose as pontifex Numa
Marcius, son of Marcus, one of the senators, and to
him he intrusted written directions, full and ac-
curate, for performing the rites of worship ; with
what victims, on what days, in what temple, sacri-
fices should be offered, and from what sources
money was to be disbursed to pay their costs. All
other public and private sacrifices he likewise made
subject to the decrees of the pontifex, that there

V

LIVY

quo consultum plebes veniret, ne quid divini iuris
neglegendo patrios ritus peregrinosque adsciscendo
7 turbaretur ; nec caelestes modo caerimonias, sed
iusta quoque funebria placandosque manes ut idem
pontifex edoceret, quaeque prodigia fulminibus above
quo visu missa susciperentur atque curarentur. Ad
ea elicienda ex mentibus divinis Iovi Elicio aram in
Aventino dicavit deumque consuluit auguriis, quae
suscipienda essent.

XXI. Ad haec consultanda procurandaque multi-
tudine omni a vi et armis conversa, et animi aliquid
agendo occupati erant, et deorum adsidua insidens
cura, cum interesse rebus bumanis caeleste numen
videretur, ea pietate omnium pectora imbuerat, ut
fides ac ius iurandum pro1 legum ac poenarum metu

2 civitatem regerent. Et cum ipsi se bomines in regis
velut unici exempli mores formarent, turn finitimi
etiam populi, qui antea2 castra, non urbem positam
in medio ad sollicitandam omnium pacem credi-
derant, in earn verecundiam adducti sunt ut civi-
tatem totam in cultum versam deorum violare8 duce-

3 rent nefas. Lucus erat, quern medium ex opaco
specu fons perenni rigabat aqua. Quo quia se per-

1 pro Novak : pro nimio Walters : proximo ft,

2 antea M : ante Cl.

3 uiolare PFUB-. uiolari H.

72

BOOK I. xx. 6-xxi. 3

might be someone to whom the commons could
come for advice, lest any confusion should arise in
the religious law through the neglect of ancestral
rites and the adoption of strange ones. And not
merely ceremonies relating to the gods above, but
also proper funeral observances and the propitiation
of the spirits of the dead were to be taught by the
pontifex as well, and also what prodigies manifested
by lightning or other visible sign were to be taken in
hand and averted. With the purpose of eliciting this
knowledge from the minds of the gods, Numa dedi-
cated an altar on the Aventine to Jupiter Elicius,
and consulted the god by augury, that he might
learn what portents were to be regarded,

XXI. The consideration and disposal of these
matters diverted the thoughts of the whole people
from violence and arms. Not only had they some-
thing to occupy their minds, but their constant
preoccupation with the gods, now that it seemed
to them that concern for human affairs was felt
by the heavenly powers, had so tinged the hearts
of all with piety, that the nation was governed by
its regard for promises and oaths, rather than
by the dread of laws and penalties. And while
Numa's subjects were spontaneously imitating the
character of their king, as their unique exemplar,
the neighbouring peoples also, who had hitherto con-
sidered that it was no city but a camp that had been
set up in their midst, as a menace to the general
peace, came to feel such reverence for them, that
they thought it sacrilege to injure a nation so wholly
bent upon the worship of the gods. There was
a grove watered by a perennial spring which flowed
through the midst of it, out of a dark cave. Thither

73

LIVY

a.u.c saepe Numa sine arbitris velut ad congressum deae
39 82 inferebat, Camenis eum lucum sacravit, quod earum
ibi1 concilia cum coniuge sua Egeria essent, et Fidei2

4 sollemne instituit. Ad id sacrarium flamines bigis
curru arcuato vein iussit, manuque ad digitos usque
involuta rem divinam facere, significantes fidem tu-
tandam sedemque eius etiam in dexteris sacratam

5 esse. Multa alia sacrificia locaque sacris faciendis,
quae Argeos pontifices vocant, dedicavit. Omnium
tamen maximum eius operum fuit tutela per omne
regni tempus baud minor pacis quam regni. Ita duo
deinceps reges, alius alia via, ille bello, hie pace,
civitatem auxerunt. Romulus septem et triginta
regnavit annos, Numa tres et quadraginta. Cum
valida turn temperata et belli et pacis artibus erat
civitas.

A.tr.c. XXII. Numae morte ad interregnum res rediit.

82-H4 jnde Tullum Hostilium nepotem Hostile cuius in
infima arce clara pugna adversus Sabinos fueratj

2 regem populus iussit; patres auctores facti. Hie
non solum proximo regi dissimilis, sed ferocior etiam
quam Romulus fuit. Cum aetas viresque, turn avita
quoque gloria animum stimulabat. Senescere igitur
civitatem otio ratus undique materiam excitandi belli

3 quaerebat. Forte evenit ut agrestes Romani ex

1 ibi : sibi n. 2 Fidei Sigonius : soli Fidei n.

1 There were six of these shrines or chapels in each of the
four regions of the Servian city. A procession made the
round of the Argei on March 17 ; and on May 15 rush
puppets, also called Argei, and probably corresponding to

74

BOOK I. xxi. 3-XA11. 3

Numa would often withdraw, without witnesses, as
if to meet the goddess; so he dedicated the grove to
the Camenae, alleging that they held counsel there
with his wife Egeria. He also established an annual
worship of Faith, to whose chapel he ordered that
the flamens should proceed in a two-horse hooded
carriage, and should wrap up their arms as far as the
fingers before sacrificing, as a sign that faith must be
kept, and that even in men's clasped hands her seat
is sacred. He established many other rites, as well
as places of sacrifice, which the pontiffs called ArgeL1
But of all his services the greatest was this, that
throughout his reign he guarded peace no less jealously
than his kingdom. Thus two successive kings in
different ways, one by war, the other by peace,
promoted the nation's welfare. Romulus ruled thirty-
seven years, Numa forty-three. The state was not
only strong, but was also well organized in the arts
both of war and of peace.

XXII. At Numa's death the state reverted to an
interregnum. Then Tullus Hostilius, grandson of that
Hostilius who had distinguished himself in the battle
with the Sabines at the foot of the citadel, was
declared king by the people, and the senate confirmed
their choice. This monarch was not only unlike the
last, but was actually more warlike than Romulus had
been. Besides his youth and strength, the glory of
his grandfather was also an incentive to him. So,
thinking that the nation was growing decrepit from
inaction, he everywhere sought excuses for stirring
up war. It happened that the Roman rustics were

the shrines in number, were thrown into the Tiber by the
Vestal Virgins, in the presence of the priestess of Jupiter,
who was dressed in mourning. The meaning of both cere-
monies is obscure. See Fowler, Fest. pp. 54 and 111.

75

LIVY

,.c. Albano agro^ Albani ex Romano praedas in vicem age-

4 rent. Imperitabat turn C. Cluilius1 Albae. Utrim-
que legati fere sub idem tempus ad res repetendas
missi. Tullus praeceperat suis ne quid prius quam
mandata agerent; satis sciebat negaturum Albanum;

5 ita pie bellum indici posse. Ab Albanis socordius
res acta ; excepti hospitio ab Tullo blande ac be-
nigne, comiter regis convivium celebrant. Tantisper
Romani et res repetiverant priores et neganti Albano

6 bellum in tricesimum diem indixerant. Haec renun-
tiant Tullo. Turn legatis Tullus dicendi potestatem,
quid petentes venerintj facit. Illi omnium ignari
primum purgando terunt tempus : se invitos quic-
quam quod minus placeat Tullo dieturos, sed im-
perio subigi ; res repetitum se venisse ; ni reddantur

7 bellum indicere iussos. Ad haec Tullus "Nuntiate/*
inquitj " regi vestro regem Romanum deos facere
testes uter prius populus res repetentes legatos
aspernatus dimiserit, ut in eum omnes ex]>etant
huiusce clades belli."

XXIII. Haec nuntiant domum Albani. Et bellum
utrimque summa ope parabatur, eivili simillimum
bello, prope inter parentes natosque, Troianam

1 Cluilius Glareanus (cf. i. 23. 7) : clulius (or ciuilius or
ciiiilius or ciuibus) H.

76

BOOK I. xxn. 3-xxiii. i

driving off cattle from Alban territory, while the
Albans were treating the Romans in the same way.
The man who was then in power in Alba was Gaius
Cluilius. Each side, at about the same time, sent
envoys to demand restitution. Tullus had com-
manded his envoys to do nothing else till they had
carried out his orders; he felt convinced that the
Albans would refuse his demands, in which case he
could declare war with a good conscience. The
Alban representatives proceeded rather laxly. Re-
ceived by Tullus with gracious and kindly hos-
pitality, they attended in a friendly spirit the banquet
which he gave in their honour. Meanwhile the
Romans had been beforehand with them in seeking
redress, and, being denied it by the Alban leader, had
made a declaration of war, to take effect in thirty
days. Returning, they reported these things to
Tullus, who thereupon invited the Alban envoys to
inform him of the object of their mission. They,
knowing nothing of what had happened, at first spent
some time in apologies. They said they should be
sorry to utter anything which might give offence to
Tullus, but that they were compelled to do so by
their orders ; they had come to seek restitution ; if it
should be denied them they were commanded to
declare war. To this Tullus replied: "Tell your
king the Roman king calls the gods to witness which
people first spurned the other's demand for redress
and dismissed its envoys, that they may call down
upon the guilty nation all the disasters of this war."

XXIII. With this answer the Albans returned to
their city, and both sides prepared for war with the
greatest energy — a civil war, to all intents and pur-
poses, almost as if fathers were arrayed against sons ;

77

LIVY

utramque prolem, cum Lavinium ab Troia, ab Lavi-
nio Alba, ab Albanorum stirpe regum oriundi Romani

2 essent. Eventus tamen belli minus miserabilem
dimicationem fecit, quod nec acie certatum est et
tectis modo dirutis alterius urbis duo populi in unum

3 confusi sunt. Albani priores ingenti exercitu in
agrum Romanum impetum fecere. Castra ab urbe
haud plus quinque milia passuum locant ; fossa cir-
cumdant ; fossa Cluilia 1 ab nomine ducis per aliquot
saecula appellata est, donee cum re nomen quoque

4 vetustate2 abolevit. In his castris Cluilius8 Albanus
rex moritur; dictatorem Albani Mettium Fufetium
creant. Interim Tullus ferox, praecipue morte regis,
magn unique deorum numen ab ipso capite orsum in
omne nomen Albanum expetiturum poenas ob bel-
lum impium dictitans, nocte praeteritis hostium cas-
tris infesto exercitu in agrum Albanum pergit. Ea

5 res ab stativis excivit Mettium. Ducit quam prox-
u me ad hostem potest. Inde legatum praemissum
nuntiare Tullo iubet priusquam dimicent opus esse
conloquio; si secum congressus sit, satis scire ea se
allaturum quae nihilo minus ad rem Romanam quam

C ad Albanam pertineant. Haud aspernatus Tullus
tamen, si vana adferantur,4 in aciem educit. Exeunt
contra et Albani. Postquam structi utrimque sta-

1 Cluilia Glareanns (cf. i. 2*2. 4) : cliuli, ciuilia, etc. Ci.
54 uetustate M : cum uetustate CI.

3 Cluilius Glareanus: cluiuilius (or ciuilius) n.

4 tamen si uana adferantur /. H. Voss : tametsi nana ad-
ferebantur XL

7s

BOOK I. xxiii. 1-6

for both were of Trojan ancestry, since Lavinium had b.c.
been planted from Troy, Alba from Lavinium, and 672~6'
from the line of the Alban kings had come the Romans.
Still, the issue of the war made the struggle less
deplorable, for no battle was fought, and when only
the buildings of one of the cities had been destroyed,
the two peoples were fused into one. The Albans
were first in the field, and with a great army invaded
the Roman territory. Their camp they pitched not
more than five miles from the City, and surrounded
it with a trench. (This was known for some centuries
as the Cluilian Trench, from the name of the general,
until in the course of time both trench and name
disappeared.) In this camp Cluilius the Alban king
died, and the Albans chose as dictator Mettius Fufe-
tius. Meantime Tullus, emboldened principally by
the death of the king, and asserting that Heaven's
great powers would take vengeance upon all of the
Alban name, beginning with their king himself, for
their unscrupulous war, made a night march past
the enemy's camp and led his army into the country
of the Albans. This move drew Mettius out from his
fortifications. Leading his troops the shortest way
towards the enemy, he sent an envoy on ahead to
say to Tullus that before they fought it was well that
they should confer together; if Tullus would meet
him he was confident he had that to say which would
be of no less moment to the Roman state than to the
Alban. Without rejecting this suggestion, Tullus
nevertheless drew up his men in line of battle, in
case the proposals should prove impracticable. On
the other side the Albans also formed up. When
both armies had been marshalled, the leaders,

79

LIVY

bant, cum paucis procerum in medium duces pro-
deunt. Ibi infit Albanus :

7 (C Iniurias et non redditas res ex foedere quae
repetitae sint et ego regem nostrum Cluilium
causam huiusce esse belli audisse videor nec te
dubito, Tulle, eadem prae te ferre ; sed si vera
potius quam dictu speciosa dicenda sunt, cupido
imperii duos cognatos vicinosque populos ad arma

8 stimulat. Neque recte an perperam interpretor ;
fuerit ista eius deliberatio qui bellum suscepit ;
me Albani gerendo bello ducem creavere. Illud
te, Tulle, monitum velim. Etrusca res quanta circa
nos teque maxime sit, quo propior es,1 hoc magis
scis. Multum illi terra, plurimum mari pollent.

9 Memor esto, iam cum signum pugnae dabis, has duas
acies spectaculo fore, ut fessos confectosque, simul
victorem ac victum, adgrediantur. Itaque, si nos di
amant, quoniam non contenti libertate certa in du-
biam imperii servitiique aleam imus, ineamus aliquam
viam qua utri utris imperent, sine magna clade, sine
multo sanguine utriusque populi decerni possit."

10 Haud displicet res Tullo, quamquam cum indole
animi turn spe victoriae ferocior erat. Quaerentibus
utrimque ratio initur cui et Fortuna ipsa praebuit
materiam.

1 es Voss : es Volscis H : es Tuscis Strothius.

8o

BOOK I. xxiii. 6-10

attended by a few of their nobles, advanced to
the middle of the field. Then the Alban began
as follows :

"Pillage and failure to make the amends demanded
in accordance with our treaty I think I have myself
heard named by our king, Cluilius, as the occasion of
this war, and I doubt not, Tullus, but you make the
same contention. But if truth is to be spoken, rather
than sophistries, it is greed for dominion that is
goading two kindred and neighbouring peoples into
war. Whether rightly or wrongly 1 do not attempt
to determine ; that is a question that may well have
been considered by him who undertook the war ;
I am only the general appointed by the Albans to
prosecute that war. But this is the point, Tullus,
which I wish to suggest to you: Of the magnitude of
the Etruscan power which encompasses us, and you
especially, you are better aware than we, in proportion
as you are nearer to that people. Great is their
strength on land, exceedingly great on the sea. You
must consider that the instant you give the signal for
battle, the Tuscans will be watching our two armies, so
that,when we have become tired and exhausted, they
may attack at once the victor and the vanquished. In
Heaven's name, therefore, since we are not content
with unquestioned liberty, but are proceeding to the
doubtful hazard of dominion or enslavement, let us
adopt some plan by which we may decide the question
which nation shall rule the other, without a great
disaster and much carnage on both sides."

Tullus made no objection, though inclined to war
by nature no less than by his anticipation of victory.
While both parties were considering what to do, a
plan was hit upon for the execution of which
Fortune herself supplied the means. «

LIVY

XXIV. Forte in duobus turn exercitibus erant
trigemini fratres nec aetate nec viribus dispares.
Horatios Curiatiosque fuisse satis constat, nec ferme
res antiqua alia est nobilior ; tamen in re tarn clara
nominum error manet, utrius populi Horatii, utrius
Curiatii fuerint. Auctores utroque trahunt ; plures
tamen invenio qui Romanos Horatios vocent; hos ut

2 sequar inclinat animus. Cum trigeminis agunt reges,
ut pro sua quisque patria dimicent ferro : ibi impe-
rium fore unde victoria fuerit. Nihil recusatur;

3 tempus et locus convenit. Priusquam dimicarent,
foedus ic'tum inter Romanos et Albanos est his Iegi-
buSj ut cui usque populi cives eo certamine vicissent,
is alteri populo cum bona pace imperitaret. Foedera
alia aliis legibus, ceterum eodem modo omnia fiunt.

4 Turn ita factum accepimus, nec ullius vetustior foe-
deris memoria est. Fetialis regem Tullum ita roga-
vit : " Iubcsne me, rex, cum patre patrato populi
Albani foedus ferire ? " Iubente rege " Sagmina,"

5 inquit, " te, rex, posco." Rex ait : " Puram tollito."
Fetialis ex arce graminis herbam puram attulit.
Postea regem ita rogavit : " Rex, facisne me tu re-
gium nuntium populi Romani Quiritium, vasa comi-

1 The fttiales (related to facio, " do ") were a college of
priests whose duties were to represent the state in declaring
war, making peace, entering into treaties, etc. The pater

82

BOOK I. xxiv. 1-5

XXIV, It chanced that there were in each of
these armies triplet brothers, not ill -matched either
in age or in physical prowess. That they were Horatii
and Curiatii is generally allowed, and scarcely any
other ancient tradition is better known ; yet, in spite
of the celebrity of the affair, an uncertainty persists
in regard to the names — to which people, that is, the
Horatii belonged, and to which the Curiatii. The
writers of history are divided. Still, the majority, I
find, call the Roman brothers Horatii, and theirs is
the opinion I incline to adopt. To these young men
the kings proposed a combat in which each should
fight for his own city, the dominion to belong with
that side where the victory should rest. No objection
was raised, and time and place were agreed on. Be-
fore proceeding with the battle, a treaty was made
between the Romans and the Albans, providing that
the nation whose citizens should triumph in this con-
test should hold undisputed sway over the other
nation. One treaty differs from another in its terms,
but the same procedure is always employed. On the
present occasion we are told that they did as follows,
nor has tradition preserved the memory of any more
ancient compact. The fetial 1 asked King Tullus,
" Dost thou command me, King, to make a treaty
with the pater patratus of the Alban People ? " Being
so commanded by the king, he said, " I demand of
thee, King, the sacred herb." The king replied,
"Thou shalt take it untainted.'' The fetial brought
from the citadel an untainted plant. After this he
asked the king, " Dost thou grant me, King, with my
emblems and my companions, the royal sanction, to

patratus (from patro, " accomplish" or " bring about ") was
the spokesman of the deputation.

s3

LIVY

a.u.c. tesque meos ? " Rex respondit : " Quod sine fraude

6 mea populique Romani Quiritium fiat, facio." Fetialis
erat M. Valerius ; is patrem 1 patratum Sp. Fusium
fecit verbena caput capillosque tangens. Pater pa-
tratus ad ius iuranduni patrandum, id est sanciendum
fit foedus ; niultisque id verbis, quae longo eflfata

7 carmine non operae est referre, peragit. Legibus
deinde recitatis "Audi," inquit, " Iuppiter, audi,
pater patrate populi Albani, audi tu, populus Alba-
nus. Ut ilia palam prima postrema ex illis tabulis
cerave recitata sunt sine dolo malo utique ea hie
hodie rectissime intellecta sunt, illis legibus populus

8 Romanus prior non deficiet. Si prior defexit publico
consilio dolo malo, turn tu ille Diespiter2 populum
Romanum sic ferito ut ego hunc porcum hie hodie
feriam ; tantoque magis ferito quanto magis potes

9 pollesque." Id ubi dixit, porcum saxo silice per-
cussit. Sua item carmina Albani suumque ius iuran-
dum per suum dietatorem suosque sacerdotes pere-
gerunt.

XXV. Foedere icto trigemini, sicut convenerat,
arma capiunt. Cum sui utrosque adhortarentur, deos
patrios, patriam ac parentes, quicquid civium domi,
quicquid in exercitu sit, illorum tunc arma, illorum
intueri manus, feroces et suopte ingenio et pleni

1 is patrem VM : patrem CI.

2 turn tu (Crevitr) ille Diespiter Turnebus and Duker :
turn ille dies iuppiter CI.

s4

BOOK I. xxiv. 5-xxv. i

speak for the Roman People of the Quirites ? " The
king made answer, " So far as may be without pre-
judice to myself and the Roman People of the Quirites,
I grant it." The fetial was Marcus Valerius ; he made
Spurius Fusius pater patratus, touching his head and
hair with the sacred sprig. The pater patratus is ap-
pointed to pronounce the oath, that is, to solemnize
the pact ; and this he accomplishes with many words,
expressed in a long metrical formula which it is not
worth while to quote. The conditions being then
recited, he cries, " Hear, Jupiter ; hear, pater patratus
of the Alban People : hear ye, People of Alba : From
these terms, as they have been publicly rehearsed
from beginning to end, without fraud, from these
tablets, or this wax, and as they have been this day
clearly understood, the Roman People will not be the
first to depart. If it shall first depart from them, by
general consent, with malice aforethought, then on
that day do thou, great Diespiter, so smite the
Roman People as I shall here to-day smite this pig :
and so much the harder smite them as thy power
and thy strength are greater." When Spurius had
said these words, he struck the pig with a flint. In
like manner the Albans pronounced their own forms
and their own oath, by the mouth of their own
dictator and priests.

XXV. When the treaty had been established, the
brothers armed themselves, in accordance with the
agreement. On either side the soldiers urged on
their champions. They reminded them that their
fathers' gods, their native land, their parents, and all
their countrymen, whether at home or with the army,
had their eye only on their swords and their right
hands. Eager for the combat, as well owing to their

85

LIVY

a.u.c. adhortantium vocibus in medium inter duas acies

82-114

2 procedunt. Consederant utrimque pro castris duo
exercitus periculi magis praesentis quam curae ex-
pertes ; quippe imperium agebatur in tarn paucorum
virtute atque fortuna positum. Itaque ergo erecti
suspensique in minime gratum spectaculum animos

3 intendunt.1 Datur signum infestisque armis velut
acies terni iuvenes magnorum exercituum animos
gerentes concurrunt. Nec his nec illis periculum
suum, publicum imperium servitiumque obversatur
animo futuraque ea deinde patriae fortuna quam ipsi

4 fecissent. Ut primo statim concursu concrepuere 2
arma micantesque fulsere gladii, horror ingens spec-
tantis perstringit ; et neutro inclinata spe torpebat

5 vox spiritusque. Consertis deinde manibus cum iam
non motus tantum corporum agitatioque anceps telo-
rum armorumque sed vulnera quoque et sanguis
spectaculo essent, duo Romani, super alium alius,

6 vulneratis tribus Albanis exspirantes corruerunt. Ad
quorum casum cum conclamasset gaudio Albanus
exercitus, Romanas legiones iam spes tota, nondum
tamen cura deseruerat, exanimes vice unius quern

7 tres Curiatii circumsteterant. Forte is integer fuit,
ut universis solus nequaquam par, sic adversus sin-
gulos ferox. Ergo, ut segregaret pugnam eorum,

1 animos intendunt If. J. Mueller : animo incenduntur fl.

2 concrepuere H. J. Mueller: increpuere fl.
86

BOOK I. xxv. 1-7

native spirit as to the shouts of encouragement which
filled their ears, the brothers advanced into the space
between the two lines of battle. The two armies
were drawn up, each in front of its own camp, no
longer in any immediate danger, but their concern as
great as ever ; and no wonder, since empire was staked
on those few men's valour and good fortune ! Alert,
therefore, and in suspense, they concentrated their
attention upon this unpleasing spectacle. The signal
was given, and with drawn steel, like advancing battle-
lines, the six young men rushed to the charge,
breathing the courage of great armies. Neither side
thought of its own danger, but of the nation's
sovereignty or servitude, and how from that day for-
ward their country must experience the fortune they
should themselves create. The instant they en-
countered, there was a clash of shields and a flash of
glittering blades, while a deep shudder ran through
the onlookers, who, as long as neither side had the
advantage, remained powerless to speak or breathe.
Then, in the hand-to-hand fight which followed,
wherein were soon exhibited to men's eyes not
only struggling bodies and the play of the sword
and shield, but also bloody wounds, two of the
Romans fell, fatally wounded, one upon the other,
while all three of the Albans were wounded. At
the fall of the Romans a shout of joy burst from
the Alban army, while the Roman levies now bade
farewell to all their hopes ; but not to their anxiety,
for they were horror-stricken at the plight of the
single warrior whom the three Curia tii had surrounded.
He happened to have got no hurt, and though no
match for his enemies together, was ready to fight
them one at a time. So, to divide their attack, he

87

LIVY

capessit fugam, ita ratus secuturos ut quemque vul-

8 nere adfectum corpus sineret. Iam aliquantum spatii
ex eo loco ubi pugnatum est aufugerat, cum respi-
ciens videt magnis intervallis sequentes ; unum haud

9 procul ab sese abesse. In eum magno impetu rediit,
et dum Albanus exercitus inclamat Curiatiis uti opem
ferant fratri, iam Horatius caeso hoste victor secun-
dam pugnam petebat. Tunc clamore, qualis ex in-
sperato faventium solet, Romani adiuvant militem

10 suum ; et ille defungi proelio festinat. Prius itaque
quam alter — nec 1 procul aberat — consequi posset, et

11 alterum Curiatium conficit ; iamque aequato Marte
singuli supererant, sed nec spe nec viribus pares.
Alterum intactum ferro corpus et geminata victoria
ferocem in certamen tertium dabat : alter fessum
vulnere fessum cursu trahens corpus, victusque fra-

12 trum ante se strage victori obicitur hosti. Nec illud
proelium fuit. Romanus exsultans " Duos/' inquit,
"fratrum Manibus dedi : tertium causae2 belli
huiusce, ut Romanus Albano imperet, dabo." Male
sustinenti arma gladium superne iugulo defigit ;

13 iacentem spoliat. Romani ovantes ac gratulantes
Horatium accipiunt eo maiore cum gaudio quo
prop© metum res fuerat. Ad sepulturam inde suo-

1 nec M : qui nec fl. 2 causae : oausam A.

88

BOOK I. xxv. 7-13

fled, thinking that each of them would pursue him
with what speed his wounds permitted. He had al-
ready run some little distance from the spot where
they had fought, when,looking back, he saw that they
were following at wide intervals and that one of them
had nearly overtaken him. Facing about, he ran
swiftly up to his man, and while the Alban host were
calling out to the Curiatii to help their brother,
Horatius had already slain him, and was hastening,
flushed with victory, to meet his second antagonist.
Then with a cheer, such as is often drawn from
partisans by a sudden turn in a contest, the Romans
encouraged their champion, and he pressed on to end
the battle. And so, before the third Curiatius could
come up — and he was not far off — Horatius dispatched
the second. They were now on even terms, one
soldier surviving on each side, but in hope and vigour
they were far from equal. The one, unscathed and
elated by his double victory, was eager for a third
encounter. The other dragged himself along, faint
from his wound and exhausted with running ; he
thought how his brothers had been slaughtered before
him, and was a beaten man when he faced his trium-
phant foe. What followed was no combat. The
Roman cried exultantly, " Two victims I have given
to the shades of my brothers: the third I will offer
up to the cause of this war, that Roman may rule
Alban." His adversary could barely hold up his
shield. With a downward thrust Horatius buried
his sword in the Alban's throat, and despoiled him
where he lay. The Romans welcomed their hero
with jubilations and thanksgivings, and their joy was
all the greater that they had come near despairing.
The burial of their dead then claimed the attention

89

LIVY

rum nequaquam paribus animis vertuntur, quippe
imperio alteri aucti, alteri dicionis alienae facti.
14 Sepulcra exstant, quo quisque loco cecidit, duo Ro-
mana uno loco propius Albam, tria Albana Romam
versus, sed distantia locis, ut et pugnatum est.

XXVI. Priusquam hide digrederentur, roganti
Mettio, ex foedere icto, quid imperaret, imperat
Tullus uti iuventuteni in armis habeat : usurum se
eorum opera, si bellum cum Veientibus foret. Ita

2 exercitus inde domos abducti. Princeps Horatius
ibat trigemina spolia prae se gerens ; cui soror virgo,
quae desponsa uni ex Curiatiis fuerat, obvia ante
portam Capenam fuit ; cognitoque super umeros fra-
tris paludamento sponsi, quod ipsa confecerat, solvit
crines et flebiliter nomine sponsum mortuum appel-

3 lat. Movet feroci iuveni animum conploratio sororis
in victoria sua tantoque gaudio publico. Stricto
itaque gladio simul verbis increpans transfigit

4 puellam. " Abi hinc cum immaturo amore ad
sponsum" inquit, " obi ita fratrum mortuorum vi-

5 vique, oblita patriae. Sic eat quaecumque Romana
lugebit hostem."

Atrox visum id facinus patribus plebique, sed
recens meritum facto obstabat. Tamen raptus in ius
ad regem. Rex, ne ipse tarn tristis ingratique ad
volgus iudicii ac1 secundum iudicium supplicii auctor
1 ac Rhenanus F* : ad ft.

90

BOOK I. xxv. 13-xxvi. 5

of the two armies,— with widely different feelings, B.c.
since one nation was exalted with imperial power, the 672-(i4°
other made subject to a foreign sway. The graves
may still be seen where each soldier fell : two Roman
graves in one spot, nearer Alba ; those of the three
Albans towards Rome, but separated, just as they had
fought.

XXVI. Before they left the field Mettius asked, in
pursuance of the compact, what Tullus commanded
him to do, and the Roman ordered him to hold his
young men underarms, saying that he should employ
their services, if war broke out with the Veientes.
The armies then marched home. In the van of the
Romans came Horatius, displaying his triple spoils.
As he drew near the Porta Capena he was met by his
unwedded sister, who had been promised in marriage
to one of the Curiatii. When she recognized on her
brother's shoulders the military cloak of her betrothed,
which she herself had woven, she loosed her hair and,
weeping, called on her dead lover's name. It enraged
the fiery youth to hear his sister's lamentations in the
hour of his own victory and the nation's great rejoicing.
And so, drawing his sword and at the same time
angrily upbraiding her, he ran her through the body.
"Begone" he cried, " to your betrothed, with your
ill-timed love, since you have forgot your brothers,
both the dead and the living, and forgot your country !
So perish every Roman woman who mourns a foe ! "

Horrid as this deed seemed to the Fathers and the
people, his recent service was an off-set to it ; never-
theless he was seized and brought before the king for
trial. The king, that he might not take upon himself
the responsibility for so stern and unpopular a judge-
ment, and for the punishment which must follow

9i

LIVY

esset, concilio populi advocato " Duumviros," inquit,
"qui Horatio perduettionem iudicent, secundum

6 legem facio." Lex horrendi carminis erat : duum-
viri perduellionem iudicent ; si a duumviris provo-
carit, provocatione certato ; si vincent, caput obnu-
bito ; infelici arbori reste suspendito ; verberato vel

7 intra pomerium vel extra pomerium. Hac lege
duumviri creati. Qui se absolvere non rebantur ea
lege ne innoxium quidem posse, cum condemnassent,
turn alter ex iis 1 " P. Horati, tibi perduellionem

8 iudico," inquit; " i, lictor,2 colliga manus." Acces-
serat lictor iniciebatque laqueum. Turn Horatius
auctore Tullo, clemente legis interprete, " Provoco,"
inquit. Itaque 3 provocatione certatum ad populum

9 est. Moti homines sunt in eo iudicio maxime P.
Horatio patre proclamante se filiam iure caesam
iudicare : ni ita esset, patrio iure in filium 4 animad-
versurum fuisse. Orabat deinde, ne se, quern paulo
ante cum egregia stirpe conspexissent, orbum liberis

10 facerent. Inter haec senex iuvenem amplexus, spolia
Curiatiorum fixa eo loco qui nunc pila Horatia appel-
latur ostentans, "Huncine" aiebat, " quern modo

1 iis Madvig : his Cl.

2 inquit i, lictor 5- M odium inqui i lictor M\ inquit lictor n.

3 itaque Tan. Fabtr : ita de CI. * filium 5- : filiam fl.

1 By taking it upon himself to punish his sister, Horatius
had usurped a function of the state, and so was guilty of
treason.

2 I have adopted the view of Oldfather (T.A.P.A. xxxix.
pp. 49 ff.) that neither hanging nor crucifixion is meant, but

92

BOOK I. xxvi. 5-10

sentence, called together the council of the people UCi
and said : " In accordance with the law I appoint 672-«40
duumvirs to pass judgement upon Horatius for
treason." 1 The dread formula of the law ran thus :
" Let the duumvirs pronounce him guilty of treason ;
if he shall appeal from the duumvirs, let the appeal
be tried ; if the duumvirs win, let the lictor veil his
head ; let him bind him with a rope to a barren tree ;
let him scourge him either within or without the
pomerium." 2 By the terms of this law duumvirs
were appointed. They considered that they might
not acquit, under that act, even one who was innocent,
and having given a verdict of guilty, one of them
pronounced the words, " Publius Horatius, I adjudge
you a traitor ; go, lictor, bind his hands." The lictor
had approached and was about to fit the noose. Then
Horatius, at the prompting of Tullus, who put a
merciful construction upon the law, cried," I appeal !
And so the appeal was tried before the people. What
influenced men most of all in that trial was the as-
sertion of Publius Horatius, the father, that his
daughter had been justly slain ; otherwise he should
have used a father's authority and have punished his
son, himself. He then implored them not to make
him childless whom they had beheld a little while
before surrounded by a goodly offspring. So saying,
the old man embraced the youth, and pointing
to the spoils of the Curiatii set up in the place
which is now called "the Horatian Spears,"3 he
exclaimed, (( This man you saw but lately advancing

that the culprit was fastened to the tree and scourged to
death.

3 The name of the place which commemorated the spoils
reflects the tradition, rejected above by Livy, that the
Horatii were Albans, the Curiatii Romans.

93

VOL. I. E

LIVY

decoratum ovantemque victoria incedentem vidistis,
Quirites, eum sub furca vinctum inter verbera et
cruciatus videre potestis ? Quod vix Albanorum oculi

11 tarn deforme spectaculum ferre possent. I, lictor,
colliga man us, quae paulo ante armatae iraperium
populo Romano pepererunt. I, caput obnube libera-
tors urbis huius ; arbore infelici suspende ; verbera
vel intra pomerium, modo inter ilia pila et spolia
hostium, vel extra pomerium, modo inter sepulcra
Curiatiorum. Quo enim ducere hunc iuvenem po-
testis, ubi non sua decora eum a tanta foeditate

12 supplicii vindicent?" Non tulit populus nec patris
lacrimas nec ipsius parem in omni periculo animum,
absolveruntque admiratione magis virtutis quam iure
causae. Itaque, ut caedes manifesta aliquo tamen
piaculo lueretur, imperatum patri ut filium expiaret

13 pecunia publica. Is quibusdam piacularibus sacri-
ficiis factis, quae deinde genti Horatiae tradita sunt,
transmisso per viam tigillo capite adoperto velut sub
iugum misit iuvenem. Id hodie quoque publice
semper refectum manet : sororium tigillum vocant.

14 Horatiae sepulcrum, quo loco corruerat icta, con-
structum est saxo quadrato.

XXVII. Nec diu pax Albana mansit. Invidia
volgi, quod tribus militibus fortuna publica commissa
fuerit,1 vanum ingenium dictatoris corrupit, et, quo-
niam recta consilia baud bene evenerant, pravis

1 fuerit n : fuerat HR% : foret Madvig.

94

BOOK I. xxvi. io-xxvii. i

decked with spoils and triumphing in his victory ; b.c.
can you bear, Quirites, to see him bound beneath 672-6
a fork and scourged and tortured? Hardly could
Alban eyes endure so hideous a sight. Go, lictor,
bind the hands which but now, with sword and
shield, brought imperial power to the Roman People !
Go, veil the head of the liberator of this city!
Bind him to a barren tree ! Scourge him within the
pomerium, if you will — so it be amidst yonder spears
and trophies of our enemies — or outside the pomerium
— so it be amongst the graves of the Curiatii ! For
whither can you lead this youth where his own honours
will not vindicate him from so foul a punishment?"
The people could not withstand the father's tears,
or the courage of Horatius himself, steadfast in every
peril ; and they acquitted him, more in admiration of
his valour than from the justice of his cause. And so,
that the flagrant murder might yet be cleansed away,
by some kind of expiatory rite, the father was com-
manded to make atonement for his son at the public
cost. He therefore offered certain piacular sacrifices,
which were thenceforward handed down in the
Horatian family, and, erecting a beam across the
street, to typify a yoke, he made his son pass under
it, with covered head. It remains to this day, being
restored from time to time at the state's expense, and
is known as " the Sister's Beam." Horatia's tomb,
of hewn stone, was built on the place where she had
been struck down.

XXVII. But the peace with Alba did not last
long. The discontent of the people, who criticized
the dictator for having confided the nation's welfare
to three soldiers, broke down his weak character,
and since honest measures had proved unsuccessful,

95

LIVY

a.u.c. 2 reconciliare popularium animos coepit. Igitur, ut

82-114 r 1

prius in bello pacem, sic in pace bellum quaerens,
quia suae civitati animorum plus quam virium cerne-
bat esse, ad bellum palam atque ex edicto gerundum
alios concitat populos, suis per speciem societatis

3 proditionem reservat. Fidenates colonia Romana
Veientibus sociis consilii adsumptis pacto transitionis

4 Albanorum ad bellum atque arma incitantur. Cum
Fidenae aperte descissent, Tullus Mettio exercituque
eius ab Alba accito contra hostes ducit. Ubi Ani-
enem transiit,1 ad confluentis conlocat castra. Inter
eum locum et Fidenas Veientium exercitus Tiberim

5 transierat. Hi in 2 acie prope flumen tenuere dex-
trum cornu : in sinistro Fidenates propius montes
consistunt. Tullus adversus Veientem hostem deri-
git 3 suos, Albanos contra legionem Fidenatium con-
locat. Albano non plus animi erat quam fidei. Nec
mane re ergo nec transire aperte ausus sensim ad

6 montes succedit ; inde, ubi satis subisse sese ratus
est, erigit totam aciem, fluctuansque animo ut tereret
tempu5> ordines explicat. Consilium erat, qua for-

7 tuna rem daret ea inclinare vires. Miraculo primo
esse Romanis qui proximi steterant, ut nudari latera
sua sociorum digressu senserunt ; inde eques citato

1 transiit Z>V : transierat Ug- : transit fl.

2 hi in Weissenborn : hi (or hii or hie) et in fl.
8 derigit PL : dirigit fl.

96

BOOK I. xxvii. 1-7

he resorted to evil ones to regain the favour of his
countrymen. Accordingly, just as in war he had
sought peace, so now in time of peace he desired
war. But seeing that his own state was richer in
courage than in strength, he stirred up other tribes
to make war openly after due declaration ; while for
his own people he reserved the part of the traitor
under the disguise of friendship. The men of Fi-
denae, a Roman colony, and the Veientes, whom
they admitted to a share in their designs, were in-
duced to commence hostilities by a promise that the
Albans would go over to their side. Fidenae having
openly revolted, Tullus summoned Mettius and his
army from Alba, and led his forces against the enemy.
Crossing the Anio, he pitched his camp at the con-
fluence of the rivers. The Veientine army had crossed
the Tiber between that place and Fidenae. These
troops, drawn up next the river, formed the right
wing ; on the left the Fidenates were posted, nearer
the mountains. Tullus marshalled his own men against
the Veientine enemy ; the Albans he posted opposite
the army of Fidenae. The Alban commander was as
wanting in courage as in loyalty. Not daring, there-
fore, either to hold his ground or openly to desert,
he drew off by imperceptible degrees in the direc-
tion of the mountains. Then, when he thought he
had got near enough to them, he brought up his
whole battle-line to an elevated position, and still
irresolute, deployed his ranks with the object of
consuming time. His purpose was to swing his forces
to the side which fortune favoured. At first the
Romans posted next to the Albans were amazed
when they perceived that their flank was being un-
covered by the withdrawal of their allies ; then a

97

LIVY

equo nuntiat regi abire Albanos. Tullus in re tre-
pida duodecim vovit Salios fanaque Pallori ac Pavori.

8 Equitem clara increpans voce, ut hostes exaudirent,
redire in proelium iubet : nihil trepidatione opus
esse ; suo iussu circumduci Albanum exercitum, ut
Fidenatium nuda terga invadant ; idem imperat ut

9 hastas equites erigerent.1 Id factum magnae parti
peditum Romanorum conspectum abeuntis Albani
exercitus intersaepsit : qui viderant, id quod ab rege
auditum erat rati, eo acrius pugnant. Terror ad
hostes transit ; et audiverant clara voce dictum, et
magna pars Fidenatium, ut quibus coloni additi Ro-

10 mani2 essent, Latine sciebant. Itaque, ne subito
ex collibus decursu Albanorum intercluderentur ab
oppido, terga vertunt. Instat Tullus fusoque Fide-
natium cornu in Veientem alieno pavore perculsum
ferocior redit. Nec ill I tulere impetum, sed ab effusa

1 1 fuga flumen obiectum ab tergo arcebat. Quo post-
quam fuga inclinavit, alii arma foede iactantes in
aquam caeci ruebant, alii, dum cunctantur in ripis,
inter fugae pugnaeque consilium oppressi. Non alia
ante Romana pugna atrocior fuit.

1 erigerent erigere erigerent iubeat M: erigerent iubeat
(or erigere iubeat, or eriere iubeat, or erigere erigerent iubet,
or erigere iubet) Cl.

2 ut quibus . . . Roniani Walters {following Tan. Faber's
ut queis . . . Romani) : ut qui (et qui DL) . . . Romanis n.

9s

BOOK I. xxvii. 7-1 1

horseman galloped up to the king, and told him that
the Albans were marching off. In this crisis Tullus
vowed to establish twelve Salian priests,1 and to build
shrines to Pallor and Panic. The horseman he repri-
manded in a loud voice, that the enemy might over-
hear him, and ordered him to go back and fight;
there was no occasion for alarm ; it was by his own
command that the Alban army was marching round,
that they might attack the unprotected rear of the
Fidenates. He also ordered the cavalry to raise their
spears. This manoeuvre hid the retreat of the Alban
army from a large part of the Roman foot-soldiers ;
those who had seen it, believing what the king had
been heard to say, fought all the more impetuously.
The enemy in their turn now became alarmed ; they
had heard Tullus's loud assertion, and many of the Fi-
denates, having had Romans among them as colonists,
knew Latin. And so, lest the Albans should suddenly
charge down from the hills and cut them off from
their town, they beat a retreat. Tullus pressed them
hard, and having routed the wing composed of the
Fidenates, returned, bolder than ever, to the Veientes,
who were demoralized by the panic of their neigh-
bours. They, too, failed to withstand his attack, but
their rout was stopped by the river in their rear.
When they had fled thus far, some basely threw away
their arms and rushed blindly into the water, others
hesitated on the bank and were overtaken before they
had made up their minds whether to flee or resist.
Never before had the Romans fought a bloodier
battle.

1 These were the so-called Collini, or Agonales, and were
associated with Quirinus, as the Palatini (chap, xx.) were
with Mars Gradivus. See also v. lii. 7.

99

LIVY

XXVIII. Turn Albanus exercitus, spectator certa-
minis, deductus in campos. Mettius Tullo devictos
hostes gratulatur ; contra Tullus Mettium benigne
adloquitur. Quod bene vertat, castra Albanos Ro-
manis castris iungere iubet ; sacrificium lustrale in

2 diem posterum parat. Ubi inluxit, paratis omnibus,
ut adsolet, vocari ad contionem utrumque exercitum
iubet. Praecones ab extremo orsi primos excivere
Albanos. Hi novitate etiam rei moti, ut regem
Romanum contionantem audirent proximi consti-

3 tere. Ex conposito armata circumdatur Romana
legio j centurionibus datum negotium erat ut sine

4 mora imperia exsequerentur. Turn ita Tullus
infit :

" Romani, si umquam ante alias ullo in bello fuit
quod primum dis immortalibus gratias ageretis, de-
inde vestrae ipsorum virtuti, hesternum id proelium
fuit. Dimicatum est enim non magis cum hostibus
quam, quae dimicatio maior atque periculosior est,

5 cum proditione ac perfidia sociorum. Nam, ne vos
falsa opinio teneat, iniussu meo Albani subiere ad
montes, nec imperium illud meum sed consilium et
imperii simulatio fuit, ut nec vobis ignorantibus
deseri vos averteretur a certamine animus et hosti-
bus circumveniri 1 se ab tergo ratis terror ac fuga

6 iniceretur. Nec ea culpa quam arguo omnium Alba-
norum est : ducem secuti sunt, ut et vos, si quo ego

1 circumveniri Fl D$-: circumuenire SI.

loo

BOOK I. xxvin. 1-6

XXVIII. Then the Alban army, which had been a b.c.
spectator of the battle, was led down into the plain. 6T2~6
Mettius congratulated Tullus on the conquest of his
enemies ; Tullus replied kindly to Mettius, and com-
manded the Albans in a good hour to join their camp
to that of the Romans. He then made preparations
to perform, on the morrow, a sacrifice of purification.
At dawn, when all things were in readiness, he issued
to both armies the customary order, convoking them
to an assembly. The heralds, beginning at the out-
skirts of the camp, called out the Albans first, who
being moved by the very novelty of the occasion,
took their stand close to the Roman king, that they
might hear him harangue his army. The Roman
troops, by previous arrangement, were armed and
disposed around them, and the centurions were
bidden to execute orders promptly. Then Tullus
began as follows :

" Romans, if ever anywhere in any war you
have had reason to give thanks, first to the im-
mortal gods and then to your own valour, it was
in the battle of yesterday. For you fought not
only against your enemies, but a harder and more
dangerous fight — against the treachery and the
perfidy of your allies. For, to undeceive you, I gave
no orders that the Albans should draw off towards
the mountains. What you heard was not my com-
mand, but a trick and a pretended command, de-
vised in order that you might not know you were
being deserted, and so be distracted from the fight ;
and that the enemy, thinking that they were being
hemmed in on the rear, might be panic-stricken
and flee. And yet this guilt which I am charging
does not attach to all the Albans ; they but followed

IOI

LIVY

inde agmen declinare voluissem, fecissetis. Mettius
ille est ductor itineris huius, Mettius idem huius
machinator belli, Mettius foederis Romani Albanique
ruptor. Audeat deinde talia alius, nisi in hunc in-
signe iam documentum mortalibus dedero."

7 Centuriones armati Mettium circumsistunt ; rex
cetera, ut orsus erat, peragit: "Quod bonum faustum
felixque sit populo Romano ac mihi vobisque, Albani,
populum omnem Albanum Romam traducere in animo
est, civitatem dare plebi, primores in patres legere,
unam urbem, unam rem publicam facere. Ut ex uno
quondam in duos populos divisa Albana res est, sic

8 nunc in unum redeat.1 " Ad haec Albana pubes
inermis ab armatis saepta in variis voluntatibus com-

9 muni tamen metu cogente silentium tenet. Turn
Tullus "Metti Fufeti," inquit, "si ipse discere posses
fidem ac foedera servare, vivo tibi ea disciplina a me
adhibita esset ; nunc, quoniam tuum insanabile in-
genium est, at tu tuo supplicio doce humanum genus
ea sancta credere quae a te violata sunt. Ut igitur
paulo ante animum inter Fidenatem Romanamque
rem ancipitem gessisti, ita iam corpus passim distra-

10 hendum dabis." Exinde duabus admotis quadrigis
in currus earum distentum inligat Mettium, deinde
in diversum iter equi concitati lacerum in utroque

1 redeat : redeant MO,

BOOK I. xxvin. 6-10

their general, as you, too, would have done, had I
desired to lead you off anywhere. It is Mettius
)Tonder who led this march ; Mettius, too, who con-
trived this war; Mettius who broke the treaty be-
tween Roman and Alban. Let another dare such a
deed hereafter if I do not speedily visit such a pun-
ishment on him as shall be a conspicuous warning
to all mankind."

Thereupon the centurions, sword in hand, sur-
rounded Mettius, while the king proceeded : " May
prosperity, favour, and fortune be with the Roman
people and m)Tself, and with you, men of Alba ! I
purpose to bring all the Alban people over to Rome,
to grant citizenship to their commons, to enroll the
nobles in the senate, to make one city and one state.
As formerly from one people the Alban nation was
divided into two, so now let it be reunited into one."
Hearing these words the Alban soldiers, themselves
unarmed and fenced in by armed men, were con-
strained, however their wishes might differ, by a
common fear, and held their peace. Then Tullus
said: " Mettius Fufetius, if you were capable of
learning, yourself, to keep faith and abide by treaties,
you should have lived that I might teach you this ;
as it is, since your disposition is incurable, you shall
yet by your punishment teach the human race
to hold sacred the obligations you have violated.
Accordingly, just as a little while ago your heart
was divided between the states of Fidenae and
Rome, so now you shall give up your body to be
torn two ways." He then brought up two four-horse
chariots, and caused Mettius to be stretched out and
made fast to them, after which the horses were
whipped up in opposite directions, and bore off in

103

LIVY

curru corpus, qua inhaeserant vinculis membra, por-
11 tantes. Avertere omnes ab tanta foeditate spec-
taculi oculos. Primum ultimumque illud supplicium
apud Romanos exempli parum memoris legum huma-
narum fuit : in aliis gloriari licet nulli gentium miti-
ores placuisse poenas.

XXIX. Inter haec iam praemissi Albam erant
equites qui multitudinem traducerent Romam. Le-

2 giones deinde ductae ad diruendam urbem. Quae
ubi intravere portas, non quidem fuit tumultus ille
nec pavor, qualis captarum esse urbium solet, cum
effractis portis stratisve ariete muris aut arce vi capta
clamor hostilis et cursus per urbem armatorum om-

3 nia ferro flammaque miscet ; sed silentium triste ac
tacita maestitia ita defixit omnium animos ut prae
metu quid 1 relinquerent, quid secum ferrent defi-
ciente consilio rogitantesque alii alios nunc in limi-
nibus starent, nunc errabundi domos suas ultimum

4 illud visuri pervagarentur. Ut vero iam equitum
clamor exire iubentium instabat, iam fragor tectorum
quae diruebantur ultimis urbis partibus audiebatur,
pulvisque ex distantibus locis ortus velut nube in-
ducta omnia impleverat, raptim quibus quisque pote-
rat elatis, cum larem ac penates tectaque in quibus
natus quisque educatusque esset relinquentes exirent,

6 iam continens agmen migrantium impleverat vias, et
1 quid Madvig : obliti quid H.

1 Each family had its lar, a special deity who protected
the household, and its penates, guardians of the penus (the
family store of provisions).

04

BOOK I. xxviii. io-xxix. 5

each of the cars fragments of the mangled body,
where the limbs held to their fastenings. All eyes
were turned away from so dreadful a sight. Such
was the first and last punishment among the Romans
of a kind that disregards the laws of humanity. In
other cases we may boast that with no nation have
milder punishments found favour.

XXIX. While this was going on, horsemen had
already been sent on to Alba to fetch the inhabitants
to Rome, and afterwards the legions were marched
over to demolish the city. When they entered the
gates there was not,indeed,thetumultand panic which
usually follow the capture of a city, when its gates
have been forced or its walls breached with a ram or
its stronghold stormed, when the shouts of the enemy
and the rush of armed men through the streets throw
the whole town into a wild confusion of blood and fire.
But at Alba oppressive silence and grief that found
no words quite overwhelmed the spirits of all the
people ; too dismayed to think what they should take
with them and what leave behind, they would ask
each other's advice again and again, now standing on
their thresholds, and now roaming aimlessly through
the houses they were to look upon for that last time.
But when at length the horsemen began to be urgent,
and clamorously commanded them to come out ;
when they could now hear the crash of the buildings
which were being pulled down in the outskirts of die
city ; when the dust rising in different quarters had
overcast the sky like a gathering cloud ; then every-
body made haste to carry out what he could, and
forth they went, abandoning their lares and penates,1
and the houses where they had been born and brought
up. And now the streets were filled with an unbroken

105

LIVY

conspectus aliorum mutua miseratione integrabat
laerimas, vocesque etiam miserabiles exaudiebantur
mulierum praecipue, cum obsessa ab armatis templa
augusta praeterirent ac velut captos relinquerent
6 deos. Egressis urbe 1 Albanis Romanus passim pub-
lica privataque omnia tecta adaequat solo, unaque
hora quadringentorum annorum opus quibus Alba
steterat excidio ac minis dedit; templis tamen deum
— ita enim edictum ab rege fuerat — temperatum
est.

XXX. Roma interim crescit Albae ruinis. Dupli-
catur civium numerus ; Caelius additur urbi mons, et
quo frequentius habitaretur, earn sedem Tullus regiae

2 capit ibique deinde 2 habitavit. Principes Alba-
norum in patres, ut ea quoque pars rei publicae
cresceretj legit, Iulios,3 Servilios, Quinctios,, Geganios,
Curiatios, Cloelios ; tempi unique ordini ab se aucto
curiam fecit quae Hostilia usque ad patrum nostro-

3 rum aetatem appellata est. Et ut omnium ordinum
viribus aliquid ex novo populo adiceretur equitum
decern turmas ex Albanis legit, legiones et veteres
eodem supplemento explevit et novas scripsit.

4 Hac fiducia virium Tullus Sabinis bellum indicit,

1 urbe $- : urbem fl. 2 ibique deinde VM : ibique n.
3 Iulios Sabtllicua {cf. Dion. Hal. 1. 70. and 2. 79) :
Tullios a.

1 When Clodius was murdered, in 52 B.C., the mob burnt
his body in the Curia Hostilia, which caught fire and was
destro}red.

106

BOOK L xxix. 5-xxx. 4

procession of emigrants, whose mutual pity, as they
gazed at one another, caused their tears to start
afresh ; plaintive cries too began to be heard, pro-
ceeding chiefly from the women, when they passed
the venerable temples beset by armed men, and left
in captivity, as it seemed to them, their gods. When
the Albans had quitted the city, the Romans every-
where levelled with the ground all buildings, both
public and private, and a single hour gave over to
destruction and desolation the work of the four
hundred years during which Alba had stood. But
the temples of the gods were spared, for so the king
had decreed.

XXX. Rome, meanwhile, was increased by Alba's
downfall. The number of citizens was doubled, the
Caelian Hill was added to the City, and, that it might
be more thickly settled, Tullus chose it for the site
of the king's house and from that time onwards
resided there. The chief men of the Albans he made
senators, that this branch of the nation might grow
too. Such were the Julii, the Servilii, the Quinctii,
the Geganii, the Curiatii, and the Cloelii. He also
built, as a consecrated place for the order he had en-
larged, a senate-house, which continued to be called
the Curia Hostilia as late as the time of our own
fathers.1 And that all the orders might gain some
strength from the new people, he enrolled ten
squadrons of knights 2 from among the Albans, and
from the same source filled up the old legions and
enlisted new ones.

Confiding in these forces, Tullus declared war on

2 Each squadron contained thirty men. The total number
was, therefore, the same as that of the three centuries of
Romulus.

LIVY

a.u.c. genti ea tempestate secundum Etruscos opulentis-

5 simae viris armisque. Utrimque iniuriae factae ac
res nequiquam erant repetitae. Tullus ad Feroniae
fanum mercatu frequenti negotiatores Roman os cora-
prehensos querebatur, Sabini suos prius in lucum
confugisse ac Romae retentos. Hae causae belli

6 ferebantur. Sabini, baud parum memores et suarum
virium partem Romae ab Tatio locatam et Romanam
rem nuper etiam adiectione populi Albani auctam,

7 circumspicere et ipsi externa auxilia. Etruria erat
vicina, proximi Etruscorum Veientes. Inde ob resi-
duas bellorum iras maxime sollicitatis ad defectionem
animis voluntarios traxere, et apud vagos quosdam
ex inopi plebe etiam merces valuit. Publico auxilio
nullo adiuti sunt, valuitque apud Veientes — nam de
ceteris minus mirum est — pacta cum Romulo induti-

8 arum fides. Cum bell um utrimque summa ope para-
rent, vertique in eo res videretur, utri prius arma
inferrent, occupat Tullus in agrum Sabinum transire.

9 Pugna atrox ad silvam Malitiosam fuit, ubi et pedi-
tum quidem robore, ceterum equitatu aucto nuper

10 plurimum Rom ana acies valuit. Ab equitibus re-
pente invectis turbati ordines sunt Sabinorum ; nec
pugna deinde illis constare nec fuga explicari sine
magna caede potuit.

1 i.e. " Guileful Wood."

108

BOOK I. xxx. 4-T0

the Sabines, a nation second only at that time to b.c.
the Etruscans in its wealth of men and arms. On 672-6
either side there had been aggressions and refusals to
grant satisfaction. Tullus complained that at the
shrine of Feronia, in a crowded fair, Roman traders
had been seized; the Sabines alleged that, before this,
refugees from their country had fled to the grove of
sanctuary, and had been detained in Rome. These
were put forward as the causes of war. The Sabines,
not forgetting that a portion of their own forces had
been settled in Rome by Tatius and that the Roman
state had recently been further strengthened by the
addition of the Alban people, began themselves to
look about for outside help. Etruria was close by,
and the nearest of the Etruscans were the Veientes.
There the resentment left over from the wars was the
strongest incentive to revolt, and procured them some
volunteers ; while with certain vagrant and poverty-
stricken plebeians even the prospect of pay was
effectual. Official aid there was none, and the V eientes
(for there is less to surprise us in the others) held firmly
to the truce they had agreed upon with Romulus.
While preparations for war were making on both sides
with the greatest energy, and success appeared to
hinge upon which should first take the field, Tullus
anticipated his enemies and invaded the Sabine
country. A desperate battle was fought near the
Silva Malitiosa,1 where, owing partly, it is true, to
the strength of their infantry, but most of all to their
newly augmented cavalry, the Roman army gained
the mastery. The cavalry made a sudden charge ;
the ranks of the Sabines were thrown into disorder,
and from that moment were unable, without heavy
loss, either to hold their own in the fight or to
extricate themselves by a retreat.

LIVY

XXXI. Devictis Sabinis cum in magna gloria mag-
nisque opibus regnum Tulli ac tota res Romana esset,
nuntiatum regi patribusque est in monte Albano

2 lapidibus pluvisse. Quod cum credi vix posset, missis
ad id visendum prodigium, in conspectu baud aliter
quam cum grandinem venti glomeratam in terras

3 agunt, crebri cecidere caelo lapides. Visi etiam au-
dire vocem ingentem ex summi cacuminis luco, ut
patrio ritu sacra Albani facerent, quae velut dis
quoque simul cum patria relictis oblivioni dederant,
et aut Romana sacra susceperant aut fortunae, ut fit,

4 obirati cultum reliquerant deum. Romanis quoque
ab eodem prodigio novendiale sacrum publice sus-
ceptum est, seu voce caelesti ex Albano monte missa
— nam id quoque traditur — seu haruspicum monitu ;
mansit certe sollemne, ut quandoque idem prodigium
nuntiaretur, feriae per novem dies agerentur.

5 Haud ita multo post pestilentia laboratum est.
Unde cum pigritia militandi oreretur, nulla tarn en
ab armis quies dabatur a bellicoso rege, salubriora
etiam credente militiae quam domi iuvenum corpora
esse, donee ipse quoque longinquo morbo est impli-

6 citus. Tunc adeo fracti simul cum corpore sunt
spiritus illi feroces, ut qui nihil ante ratus esset
minus regium quam sacris dedere animum, repente
omnibus magnis parvisque superstitionibus obnoxius

BOOK I. xxxi. 1-6

XXXI. After the defeat of the Sabines, when B.c.
King Tullus and the entire Roman state were at a 672-6
high pitch of glory and prosperity, it was reported to
the king and senators that there had been a rain of
stones on the Alban Mount. As this could scarce be
credited, envoys were dispatched to examine the
prodigy, and in their sight there fell from the sky,
like hail-stones which the wind piles in drifts upon
the ground, a shower of pebbles. They thought too
that they heard a mighty voice issuing from the grove
on the mountain-top, which commanded the Albans
to celebrate, according to the fashion of their fathers,
the sacrifices, which as though they had forsaken
their gods along with their city, they had given over
to oblivion, either adopting Roman rites, or in anger
at their fortune, such as men sometimes feel,
abandoning the worship of the gods. The Romans
also, in consequence of the same portent, undertook
an official nine days' celebration, whether so com-
manded by the divine utterance from the Alban
Mount — for this too is handed down — or on the
advice of soothsayers. At all events it remained a
regular custom that whenever the same prodigy was
reported there should be a nine days' observance.

Not very long after this Rome was afflicted with a
pestilence. This caused a reluctance to bear arms,
yet no respite from service was allowed by the war-
like king (who believed, besides, that the young men
were healthier in the field than at home) until he
himself contracted a lingering illness. Then that
haughty spirit was so broken, with the breaking of
his health, that he who had hitherto thought nothing
less worthy of a king than to devote his mind to
sacred rites, suddenly became a prey to all sorts of

in

LIVY

a.u.c. degeret religionibusque etiam populum impleret.

7 Vulgo iam homines eum statum rerum qui sub
Numa rege fuerat requirentes, unam opem aegris
corporibus relictam, si pax veniaque ab dis impetrata

8 esset, credebant. Ipsum regem tradunt volventem
commentaries Numaej cum ibi quaedam occulta sol-
lemnia sacrificia Iovi Elicio facta invenisset, opera-
tum iis 1 sacris se abdidisse ; sed non rite initum aut
curatum id sacrum esse, nec solum nullam ei oblatam
caelestium speciem, sed ira Iovis sollicitati prava
religione fulmine ictum cum domo conflagrasse.
Tullus magna gloria belli regnavit annos duos et
triginta.

a.u.c. XXXII. Mortuo Tullo res. ut institutum iam inde

L14-13S

ab initio erat, ad patres redierat, hique interregem

nominaverant. Quo comitia babente Ancum Mar-

cium regem populus creavit ; patres fuere auctores.

Numae Pompili regis nepos, filia ortus, Ancus Mar-

2 cius erat. Qui ut regnare coepit, et avitae gloriae

memor et quia proximum regnunv, cetera egregium,

ab una parte haud satis prosperum fuerat, aut neg-

lectis religionibus aut prave cultis, longe 2 antiquissi-

mum ratus sacra publica ut ab Numa instituta erant

facere, omnia ea ex commentariis regis pontificem in

album relata 3 proponere in publico iubet. Inde et

1 iis is or his n. 2 longe 5- Gronoiw longeque Cl.
3 relata Sabellicus : elata (elatain M'6) Ci.

112

BOOK I. xxxi. 6-xxxn. 2

superstitions great and small, and filled even the h.c.
minds of the people with religious scruples. Men 672~6-
were now agreed in wishing to recall the conditions
which had obtained under King Numa, believing that
the only remedy left for their ailing bodies was to
procure peace and forgiveness from the gods. The
king himself, so tradition tells, in turning over the
commentaries of Numa discovered there certain
occult sacrifices performed in honour of Jupiter Elicius,
and devoted himself in secret to those rites ; but the
ceremony was improperly undertaken or performed,
and not only was no divine manifestation vouchsafed
him, but in consequence of the wrath of Jupiter,
who was provoked by his faulty observance, he was
struck by a thunderbolt and consumed in the flames
of his house. Tullus was greatly renowned in war
and reigned thirty-two years.

XXXII. On the death of Tullus, the government b.c.
reverted, in accordance with the custom established
in the beginning, to the senators, who named an
interrex. This official called together the comitia, and
the people elected Ancus Marcius king, a choice
which the Fathers ratified. Ancus Marcius was a
grandson, on the mother's side, of King Numa Pompi-
lius. When he began to rule he was mindful of his
grandfather's glory, and considered that the last
reign, excellent in all else, had failed to prosper in one
respect, owing to neglect or misconduct of religious
observances. Deeming it therefore a matter of the
utmost consequence to perform the state sacrifices as
Numa had established them, he bade the pontifex
copy out all these from the commentaries of the king
and display them in public on a whitened table.
This act led the citizens, who were eager for peace,

113

LIVY

A.u.c. civibus otii cupidis et finitimis civitatibus facta spes

3 in avi mores atque instituta regem abiturum. Igitur
Latinij cum quibus Tullo regnante ictum foedus erat,
sustulerant amnios, et cum incursion em in agrum Ro-
manum fecissent, repetentibus res Romanis superbe
responsum reddunt, desidem Romanum regem inter

4 sacella et aras acturum esse regnum rati. Medium
erat in Anco ingenium, et Numae et Romuli memor;
et praeterquam quod avi regno magis necessariam
fuisse pacem credebat cum in novo turn feroci populo,
etiam quod ill i contigisset otium sine iniuria; id se
haud facile habiturum j temptari patientiam et temp-
tatam contemni, temporaque esse Tullo regi aptiora

5 quam Numae. Ut tamen, quoniam Numa in pace
religiones instituisset, a se bellicae caerimoniae
proderentur, nec gererentur solum sed etiam in-
dicerentur bella aliquo ritu,, ius ab antiqna gente
Aequicolis, quod nunc fetiales habent, descripsit quo
res repetuntur.

C Legatus ubi ad fines eorum venit unde res re-
petuntur, capite velato filo — lanae velamen est —
"Audi, Iuppiter," inquit ; ^audite, fines" — cuius-
cumque gentis sunt nominat ; — " audiat fas. Ego
sum publicus nuntius populi Romani ; iuste pieque
legatus venio verbisque meis fides sit." Peragit

1 The institution of the fetials was ascribed in chap. xxiv.
to Tullus (so also Cic. Rep. ii. 31). Livy is here following
another authority, without taking the trouble to remove the
discrepancy. Other writers (Dion. ii. 72; Plut. Numa xii.)
credit Numa with the institution.

114

BOOK I. xxxn. 2-6

and also the neighbouring nations, to hope that he b.c.
would adopt the character and institutions of his 640-6
grandfather. Hence the Latins, with whom a treaty
had been made in the time of Tullus, plucked up
courage, and raided Roman territory, and when called
on by the Romans to make restitution, returned an
arrogant answer, persuaded that the Roman king
would spend his reign in inactivity amid shrines
and altars. But the character of Ancus was well
balanced, and he honoured the memory of Romulus,
as well as Numa. And besides having a convic-
tion that peace had been more necessary to his
grandfather's reign, when the nation had been both
young and mettlesome, he also believed that the
tranquillity, so free of attack, which had fallen to
the lot of Numa would be no easy thing tor him-
self to compass ; his patience was being tried, and
when proved would be regarded with contempt,
and in short the times were better suited to the rule
of a Tullus than a Numa, In order however that, as
Numa had instituted religious practices in time of
peace, he might himself give out a ceremonial of war,
and that wars might not only be waged but also
declared with some sort of formality, he copied from
the ancient tribe of the Aequicoli the law, which the
fetials now have,1 by which redress is demanded.

When the envoy has arrived at the frontiers of the
people from whom satisfaction is sought, he covers
his head with a bonnet — the covering is of wool — and
says: "Hear, Jupiter; hear, ye boundaries of" —
naming whatever nation they belong to; — "let
righteousness hear ! I am the public herald of the
Roman People ; I come duly and religiously com-
missioned ; let my words be credited." Then he

"5

LIVY

7 deinde postulata. Inde Iovem testem facit : <( Si ego
iniuste impieque illos homines illasque res dedier
mihi 1 exposco, turn patriae compotem me numquam

8 siris esse." Haec cum fines suprascandit, haec qui-
cumque ei primus vir obvius fuerit, haec portam
ingrediens, haec forum ingressus, paucis verbis car-
minis concipiendique iuris iurandi mutatis, peragit.

9 Si non deduntur quos exposcit diebus tribus et tri-
ginta — tot enim sollemnes sunt — peractis bellum ita

10 indicit : " Audi, Iuppiter, et tu, lane2 Quirine,, dique
omnes caelestes vosque, terrestres, vosque, inferni,
audite. Ego vos testor popuhim ilium" — quicumque
est nominat — "iniustum esse neque ius persolvere.
Sed de istis rebus in patria maiores natu consulemus
quo pacto ius nostrum adipiscamur." Turn3 nuntius
Romam ad consulendum redit. Confestim rex his4

11 ferme verbis patres consulebat : <( Quarum reruux,
litium, causarum condixit pater patratus populi Ro-
mani Quiritium patri patrato Priscorum Latinorum
hominibusque Priscis Latinis,5 quas res nec dederunt
nec solverunt nec fecerunt, quas res dari, solvi, fieri 6
oportuitj die/' inquit ei 7 quern primum sententiam

12 rogabat, " quid censes?" Turn ille : " Puro pioque

duello quaerendas censeo itaque consentio conscis-

coque." Inde ordine alii rogabantur; quandoque

1 mihi MV: p. r. (or Po R or populi romani or nuntio
populi Romani) mihi (michi 0) CI.
a lane Perizoniux : iuno CI.

3 turn Hachtmann : cum R : cum his (or iis or is) CI,

4 rex his Gruter : rex ex his (exis D) CI.

h Priscis Latinis 05- : priscis uel latinis CI,
6 solvi fieri Aid.: fieri solui (solui F) CI.
1 ci Ml(or M2)R2r : eta

n6

BOOK I. xxxii. 6-12

recites his demands, after which he takes Jupiter to
witness : " If I demand unduly and against religion
that these men and these things be surrendered to
me, then let me never enjoy my native land." These
words he rehearses when he crosses the boundary line,
the same to what man soever first meets him, the
same when he enters the city gates, the same when
he has come into the market-place, with only a few
changes in the form and wording of the oath. If
those whom he demands are not surrendered, at the
end of three and thirty days — for such is the con-
ventional number — he declares war thus : " Hear,
Jupiter, and thou, Janus Quirinus, and hear all
heavenly gods, and ye, gods of earth, and ye of the
lower world ; I call you to witness that this people "
— naming whatever people it is — " is unjust, and does
not make just reparation. But of these matters we
will take counsel of the elders in our country, how
we may obtain our right." Then the messenger
returns to Rome for the consultation. Immediately
the king would consult the Fathers, in some such
words as these : " Touching the things, the suits, the
causes, concerning which the pater patratus of the
Roman People of the Quirites has made demands on
the pater patratus of the Ancient Latins, and upon
the men of the Ancient Latins, which things they
have not delivered, nor fulfilled, nor satisfied, being
things which ought to have been delivered, fulfilled,
and satisfied, speak," — turning to the man whose
opinion he was wont to ask first, — "what think you ?"
Then the other would reply: "I hold that those things
ought to be sought in warfare just and righteous ; and
so I consent and vote." The others were then asked
the question, in their order, and when the majority

117

LIVY

pars maior eorum qui aderant in eandem sententiam
ibat, bellum erat consensum. Fieri solitum ut fetialis
liastam ferratam aut praeustam sanguineam1 ad fines
eorum ferret et non minus tribus puberibus praesen-

13 tibus diceret: "Quod populi Priscorum Latinorum
hominesque 2 Prisci Latini adversus populum Roma-
num Quiritium fecerunt, deliquerunt, quod populus
Romanus Quiritium bellum cum Priscis Latinis iussit
esse senatusque 3 populi Romani Quiritium censuit,
consensit, conscivit, ut bellum cum Priscis Latinis
fieret, ob earn rem ego populusque Romanus populis
Priscorum Latinorum hominibusque Priscis Latinis
bellum indico facioque." Id ubi dixisset, hastam in

14 fines eorum emittebat. Hoc turn modo ab Latinis
repetitive res ac bellum indictum, moremque eum
posteri acceperunt.

XXXIII. Ancus demandata cura sacrorum flami-
nibus sacerdotibusque aliis, exercitu novo conscripto
profectus, Politorium, urbem Latinorum, vi cepit,
secutusque morem regum priorum, qui rem Romanam
auxerant hostibus in civitatem accipiendis, multitu-

2 dinem omnem Romam traduxit, et cum circa Pala-
tium, sedem veterum4 Romanorunv, Sabini Capitolium
atque arcem, Caelium montem Albani implessent,
Aventinum novae multitudini datum. Additi eodem
haud ita multo post, Tellenis Ficanaque captis, novi

3 cives. Politorium inde rursus bello repetitum, quod

1 praeustam sanguineam Madvig : sanguineam praeustam X2

2 hominesque Sigonius : hominesue (homines M) fl.

3 senatusque f : senatusue G.

4 veterum J\IP2OH : veterem X2.
118

BOOK I. xxxii. 12-xxxiii. 3

of those present went over to the same opinion, war
had been agreed upon. It was customary for the fetial
to carry to the bounds of the other nation a cornet-
wood spear, iron-pointed or hardened in the fire, and
in the presence of not less than three grown men to
say : " Whereas the tribes of the Ancient Latins and
men of the Ancient Latins have been guilty of acts
and offences against the Roman People of the Quirites ;
and whereas the Roman People of the Quirites has
commanded that war be made on the Ancient Latins,
and the Senate of the Roman People has approved,
agreed, and voted a war with the Ancient Latins ; I
therefore and the Roman People declare and make
war on the tribes of the Ancient Latins and the men
of the Ancient Latins." Having said this, he would
hurl his spear into their territorj'. This is the manner
in which at that time redress was sought from the
Latins and war was declared, and the custom has
been received by later generations.

XXXIII, Ancus delegated the care of the sacrifices
to the flamens and other priests, and having enlisted
a new army proceeded to Politorium, one of the Latin
cities. He took this place by storm, and adopting
the plan of former kings, who had enlarged the state
by making her enemies citizens, transferred the
whole population to Rome. The Palatine was the
quarter of the original Romans ; on the one hand
were the Sabines^ who had the Capitol and the Citadel;
on the other lay the Caelian, occupied by the Albans.
The Aventine was therefore assigned to the new-
comers, and thither too were sent shortly afterwards
the citizens recruited from the captured towns of
Tellenae and Ficana. Politorium was then attacked

119

LIVY

a.u.c. vacuum occupaverant Prisci Latini ; eaque causa

L14-13S

diruendae urbis eius fuit Romanis, ne hostium sein-
4 per receptaculum esset. Postremo omni bello Latino
Medulliam compulso aliquamdiu ibi Marte incerto,
varia victoria pugnatum est ; nam et urbs tuta muni-
tionibus ])raesidioque firmata valido erat, et castris in
aperto positis aliquotiens exercitus Latinus comminus
6 cum Romanis signa contulerat. Ad ultimum omni-
bus copiis conisus Ancus acie primum vincit; inde
ingenti praeda potens Romam redit, turn quoque
multis milibus Latinorum in civitatem acceptis, qui-
bus, ut iungeretur Palatio Aventinum, ad Murciae

6 datae sedes. Ianiculum quoque adiecturm non ino-
pia loci, sed ne quando ea arx hostium esset. Id non
muniri 1 solum sed etiam ob commoditatem itineris
ponte sublicio, turn primum in Tiberi facto, coniungi

7 urbi placuit. Quiritium quoque fossa, haud parvum
munimentum a planioribus aditu locis, Anci regis
opus est.

8 Ingenti incremento rebus auctis cum in tanta
multitudine hominum, discrimine recte an per-
peram facti confuso, facinora clandestina fierent,
career ad terrorem increscentis audaciae media urbe

1 muniri H. J. Mueller: muro CI.

1 This was the. famous Pons Sublicius, "Pile Bridge,"
made of wood, without metal of any sort.

120

BOOK I. xxxm. 3-8

a second time, for having been left empty it had been
seized by the Ancient Latins, and this gave the
Romans an excuse for razing the town, lest it should
serve continually as a refuge for their enemies. In
the end the Latin levies were all forced back upon
Medullia, where for some time the fighting was
indecisive and victory shifted from one side to the
other; for the city was protected by fortifications and
was defended by a strong garrison, and from their
camp in the open plain the Latin army several times
came to close quarters with the Romans. At last,
throwing all his troops into the struggle, Ancus
succeeded first in defeating the enemy's army, and
then in capturing the town, whence he returned to
Rome enriched with immense spoils. On this oc-
casion also many thousands of Latins were granted
citizenship. These people, in order that the Aventine
might be connected with the Palatine, were made to
settle in the region of the Altar of Murcia. Janiculum
was also annexed to the city, not from any lack of
room, but lest it might some day become a strong-
hold of Rome's enemies. It was decided not only to
fortify it, but also to connect it with the City, for
greater ease in passing to and fro, by a bridge ot
piles, the first bridge ever built over the Tiber.1
The Quirites' Ditch also, no small protection on the
more level and accessible side of town, was the work
of King Ancus.

When these enormous additions to the com-
munity had been effected, it was found that in so
great a multitude the distinction between right
and wrong had become obscured, and crimes were
being secretly committed. Accordingly, to overawe
men's growing lawlessness, a prison was built in

121

LIVY

a.u.c. 9 inminens foro aedificatur. Nec urbs tantum hoc
Li4 -138 rege crevj^ secJ etiam ager nnesque. Silva Maesia
Veientibus adempta usque ad mare imperium pro-
latum et in ore Tiberis Ostia urbs condita, salinae
circa factae, egregieque rebus bello gestis aedis Iovis
Feretri amplificata.

XXXIV. Anco regnante Lucumo, vir impiger ac
divitiis potens, Romam commigravit, cupidine maxi-
me ac spe magni honoris, cuius adipiscendi Tarquiniis
— nam ibi quoque peregrina stirpe oriundus erat —

2 facultas non fuerat. Demarati Corinthii filius erat,
qui ob seditiones domo proftigus cum Tarquiniis
forte consedisset, uxore ibi ducta duos filios genuit.
Nomina his Lucumo atque Arruns fuerunt. Lucumo
superfuit patri bonorum omnium heres : Arruns prior

3 quam pater moritur uxore gravida relicta. Nec diu
manet superstes filio pater ; qui cum, ignorans nu-
rum ventrem ferre, immemor in testando nepotis
decessisset, puero post avi mortem in mil lam sortem
bonorum nato ab inopia Egerio inditum nomen.
Lucumoni contra omnium heredi bonorum cum divi-

4 tiae iam animos facerent, auxit ducta in matrimo-
nium Tanaquil suramo loco nata, et quae baud facile
iis in quibus nata erat humiliora sineret ea quo

1 This prison, the Career, may still be seen at the foot of
the Capitoline, between the Temple of Concord and the
Curia. It is thought to be as old as any structure in Rome.
It was used as a place of detention and execution for con-
demned criminals, a i.e. " Necessitous."

122

BOOK I. xxxiii. 8-xxxiv. 4

the midst of the city, above the Forum.1 And
this reign was a period of growth, not only for the
City, but also for her lands and boundaries. The
Maesian Forest was taken from the Veientes, ex-
tending Rome's dominion clear to the sea; at the
Tiber's mouth the city of Ostia was founded, and
salt-works were established near-by ; while in recog-
nition of signal success in war the temple of Jupiter
Feretrius was enlarged.

XXXIV. In the reign of Ancus one Lucumo, a man
of energy and wealth, took up his residence in Rome,
chiefly from ambition and the hope that he might
there achieve a station such as he had found no op-
portunity of attaining in Tarquinii ; for though he
had been born there himself, his race was alien to
that place also. He was the son of Demaratus of
Corinth, who had been driven from home by a
political upheaval. Happening to settle in Tarquinii,
he had married there and had two sons,named Lucumo
and Arruns. Lucumo survived his father and in-
herited all his property ; Arruns died before his father,
leaving his wife with child. Demaratus did not long
survive Arruns, and, unaware that his son's wife was
to become a mother, he died without making pro-
vision for his grandson in his will. When the babe
was born his grandfather was dead, and having no
share in the inheritance, he was given the name of
Egerius,2 in consequence of his penniless condition.
Lucumo, on the other hand, was heir to the whole
estate. The self-confidence implanted in his bosom
by his wealth was heightened by his marriage with
Tanaquil, who was a woman of the most exalted
birth, and not of a character lightly to endure a
humbler rank in her new environment than she had

LIVY

a.u.c. 5 innupsisset.1 Spernentibus Etruscis Lucumonem

L14-138

exsule 2 advena ortum, ferre indignitatem non potuit
oblitaque ingenitae erga patriam caritatis, dummodo
virum honoratum videret, consilium migrandi ab

6 Tarquiniis cepit. Roma est ad id potissima 3 visa :
in novo populo, ubi omnis repentina atque ex virtute
nobilitas sit, futurum locum forti ac strenuo viro ;
regnasse Tatium Sabinum, arcessitum in regnum
Numam a Curibus, et Ancum Sabina matre ortum

7 nobilemque una imagine Numae esse. Facile per-
suadet ut cupido honorum et cui Tarquinii materna
tantum patria esset. Sublatis itaque rebus amigrant

8 Romam. Ad Ianiculum forte ventum erat. Ibi ei
carpento sedenti cum uxore aquila suspensis demissa
leniter4 alis pilleum aufert, superque carpentum
cum magno clangore volitans, rursus velut ministerio
divinitus missa capiti apte reponit ; inde sublimis

9 abiit. Accepisse id augurium laeta dicitur Tanaquil,
perita, ut volgo Etrusci, caelestium prodigiorum
mulier. Excelsa et alta sperare conplexa virum
iubet : earn alitem, ea regione caeli et eius dei nun-
tiam venisse, circa suinmum culmen hominis auspi-
cium fecisse, levasse huraano superpositum capiti

1 ea quo innupsisset Weissenbom : ac cum (or hec cum or
ea cum) innupsisset ft. 2 exsule R*F3 j- : exulem n.

3 potissima Gronov. : potissimum Cl.

4 leniter b- : leuiter H.

I24

BOOK I. xxxiv. 4-9

enjoyed in the condition to which she had been born. B.c.
The Etruscans looked with disdain on Lucumo, the 640-0
son of a banished man and a stranger. She could
not endure this indignity, and forgetting the love she
owed her native land, if she could only see her hus-
band honoured, she formed the project of emigrating
from Tarquinii. Rome appeared to be the most
suitable place for her purpose ; amongst a new people,
where all rank was of sudden growth and founded on
worth, there would be room for a brave and strenuous
man ; the City had been ruled by Tatius the Sabine,
it had summoned Numa to the sovereignty from Cures,
even Ancus was the son of a Sabine mother, and
could point to no noble ancestor but Numa. She
had no trouble in persuading a man who was eager
for distinction, to whom Tarquinii was only his
mother's birthplace. They therefore gathered their
possessions together and removed to Rome. They
had come, as it happened, as far as Janiculum,
when, as they were sitting in their covered waggon,
an eagle poised on its wings gently descended upon
them and plucked off Lucumo's cap, after which,
rising noisily above the car and again stooping, as if
sent from heaven for that service, it deftly replaced
the cap upon his head, and departed on high. This
augury was joyfully accepted, it is said, by Tanaquil,
who was a woman skilled in celestial prodigies, as
was the case with most Etruscans. Embracing her
husband, she bade him expect transcendent greatness :
such was the meaning of that bird, appearing from
that quarter of the sky, and bringing tidings from
that god ; the highest part of the man had been
concerned in the omen ; the eagle had removed the
adornment placed upon a mortal's head that it might

125

VOL. I.

F

LIVY

a.u.c. 10 decus. ut divimtus eidem redderet. Has spes cogi-

114-188 ^ 45

tationesque secum portantes urbem ingressi sunt,
domicilioque ibi comparato L. Tarquinium Priscum

11 edidere nomen. Romanis conspicuum eura novitas
divitiaeque faciebant ; et ipse fortunam benigno ad-
loquio., comitate invitandi beneficiisque quos poterat
sibi conciliando adiuvabat, donee in regiam quoque

12 de eo fama perlata est. / Notitiamque earn brevi apud
regem liberaliter dextereque obeundo officia in fami-
liaris amicitiae adduxerat iura, ut publicis pariter ac
privatis consiliis bello domique interesset et per om-
nia expertus postremo tutor etiam liberis regis tes-
tamento institueretur.

138-176 XXXV. Regnavit Ancus annos quattuor et viginti,

cuilibet superiorum regum belli pacisque et artibus
et gloria par. Iam filii prope puberem aetatem
erant. Eo magis Tarquinius instare ut quam pri-

2 muni comitia regi creando fierent ; quibus indictis
sub tempus pueros venatum ablegavit. Isque primus
et petisse ambitiose regnum et orationem dicitur
habuisse ad conciliandos plebis animos compositam :

3 se 1 non rem novam petere, quippe qui non primus,
quod quisquam indignari mirarive posset, sed tertius
Romae peregrinus regnum adfectet ; et Tatium non
ex peregrino solum, sed etiam ex hoste regem fac-
tum, et Numam ignarum urbis non petentem in

1 se Duker: cum (turn F1) se CL.

126

BOOK I. xxxiv. 9-xxxv. 3

restore it with the divine approbation. Such were B.r.
their hopes and their reflections as they entered the 640-6
City. Having obtained a house, they gave out the
name of Lucius Tarquinius Priscus. The Romans
regarded him with special interest, as a stranger and
a man of wealth, and he steadily pushed his fortune
by his own exertions, making friends wherever pos-
sible, by kind words, courteous hospitality, and bene-
factions, until his reputation extended even to the
palace. He had not long been known in this way to
the king before the liberality and adroitness of his
services procured him the footing of an intimate
friend. He was now consulted in matters both of
public and private importance, in time of war and in
time of peace, and having been tested in every way
was eventually even named in the king's will as
guardian of his children.

XXXV. Ancus reigned four and twenty years, a b.c.
king inferior to none of his predecessors in the arts 616-5
of peace and war and in the reputation they conferred.
By this time his sons were nearly grown. Tarquinius
was therefore all the more insistent in urging that
the comitia should be held without delay to choose a
king. When the meeting had been proclaimed, and
the day drew near, he sent the boys away on a hunt-
ing expedition. Tarquinius was the first, they say,
to canvass votes for the kingship and to deliver a
speech designed to win the favour of the commons.
He pointed out that it was no new thing he sought ;
he was not the first outsider to aim at the sovereignty
in Rome — a thing which might have occasioned
indignation and astonishment, — but the third. Tatius
indeed, had been not merely an alien but an enemy
when he was made king ; while Numa was a stranger

127

LIVY

4 regnum ultro accitum : se, ex quo sui potens fuerit,
Romam cum coniuge ac fortunis omnibus commi-
grasse ; maiorem partem aetatis eius qua civilibus
officiis fungantur homines, Romae se quam in vetere

5 patria vixisse ; domi militiaeque sub haud paenitendo
magistro, ipso Anco rege, Romana se iura, Romanos
ritus didicisse ; obsequio et observantia in regem
cum omnibus, benignitate erga alios cum rege ipso

G certasse. Haec eum haud falsa memorantem ingenti
consensu popuhis Romanus regnare iussit. Ergo
virum cetera egregium secuta quam in petendo
habuerat etiam regnantem ambitio est; nec minus
regni sui firmandi quam augendae rei publicae
memor centum in patres legit, qui deinde minorum
gentium sunt appellate factio haud dubia regis, cuius
beneficio in curiam venerant.

7 Bellum primum cum Latinis gessit, et oppidum
ibi Apiolas vi cepit, praedaque inde maiore quam
quanta belli fama fuerat revecta, ludos opulentius

8 instructiusque quam priores reges fecit. Turn pri-
mum circo qui nunc maximus dicitur designatus
locus est. Loca divisa patribus equitibusque ubi
spectacula sibi quisque facerent; fori appellati.

1 The senate had doubtless shown its disapproval of the
accession of Tarquinius, who now sought to render its op-
position futile by doubling the membership and appointing
none but his own supporters.
128

BOOK I. xxxv. 3-8

to the City, and, far from seeking the kingship, had
actually been invited to come and take it. As for him-
self, he had no sooner become his own master than he
had removed to Rome with his wife and all his pro-
perty. For the greater part of that period of life during
which men serve the state he had lived in Rome, and
not in the city of his birth. Both in civil life and in
war he had had no mean instructor — King Ancus
himself had taught him Roman laws and Roman rites.
In subordination and deference to the king he had
vied, he said, with all his hearers ; in generosity to
his fellow-subjects he had emulated the king himself.
Hearing him advance these not unwarranted claims,
the people, with striking unanimity, named him king.
The result was that the man, so admirable in all
other respects, continued even after he had obtained
the sovereignty to manifest the same spirit of intrigue
which had governed him in seeking it ; and being no
less concerned to strengthen his own power than to
enlarge the state, he added a hundred members to
the senate, who were known thenceforward as Fathers
of the " lesser families," and formed a party of un-
wavering loyalty to the king, to whom they owed
their admission to the Curia.1

His first war was with the Latins, whose town of
Apiolae he took by storm. Returning thence with
more booty than the rumours about the war had led
people to expect, he exhibited games on a more
splendid and elaborate scale than former kings had
done. It was then that the ground w as first marked
out for the circus now called Maximus. Places were
divided amongst the Fathers and the knights where
they might each make seats for themselves ; these
were called 'rows.' They got their view from seats

LIVY

9 Spectavere furcis duodenos ab terra spectacula
alta sustinentibus pedes. Ludicrum fuit equi pugi-
lesque, ex Etruria maxime acciti. Sollemnes deinde
annui mansere ludi, Romani magnique varie appel-
10 lati. Ab eodem rege et circa forum privatis aedi-
ficanda divisa sunt loca ; porticus tabernaeque factae./

XXXVI. Muro quoque lapideo circumdare urbem
parabat, cum Sabinum bellum coeptis intervenit.
Adeoque ea subita res fuit, ut prius Anienem transi-
rent hostes quam obviam ire ac prohibere exercitus

2 Romanus posset. Itaque trepidatum Romae est, et
primo dubia victoria magna utrimque caede pugna-
tum est. Reductis deinde in castra hostium copiis
datoque spatio Romanis ad comparandum de integro
bellum, Tarquinius, equitem maxime suis deesse
viribus ratus, ad Ramnes, Titienses, Luceres, quas
centurias Romulus scripserat, addere alias constituit

3 suoque insignes relinquere nomine./ Id quia inaugu-
rato Romulus fecerat, negare Attus Navius, inclitus
ea tempestate augur, neque mutari neque novum

4 constitui, nisi aves addixissent, posse. Ex eo ira
regi mota, eludensque artem, ut ferunt, " Age dum/'
inquit, " divine tu, inaugura fierine possit, quod nunc
ego mente concipio." Cum ille augurio1 rem ex-
pertus profecto futuram dixisset, " Atqui hoc animo

1 augurio Tan. Faher : in augurio Cl.

130

BOOK I. xxxv. q— xxxvi, 4

raised on props to a height of twelve feet from the
ground. The entertainment was furnished bv horses
and boxers, imported for the most part from Etruria.
From that time the Games continued to be a regu-
lar annual show, and were called indifferently the
Roman and the Great Games. It was the same king,
too, who apportioned building sites about the Forum
among private citizens, and erected covered walks
and booths.

XXXVI. He was also preparing to build a stone
wall around the City, when a Sabine war interrupted
his plans. And so sudden was the invasion, that they
had crossed the Anio before the Roman army was
able to march out and stop them, so that the City
was thrown into a panic. The first battle was
indecisive, with heavy losses on both sides. The
enemy then withdrew into their camp, affording the
Romans an opportunity to renew their preparations
for the war. Tarquinius believed that cavalry was
what he chiefly lacked. To the Ramnes, Titienses,
and Luceres, the centuries which Romulus had en-
rolled, he therefore determined to add others, and to
give them his own name as a permanent distinction.
But since this was a matter in which Romulus had
obtained the sanction of augury before acting, it was
asserted by Attus Navius, a famous augur of those
days, that no change or innovation could be introduced
unless the birds had signified their approval. The
king's ire was aroused by this, and he is reported to
have said, in derision of the science, " Come now,
divine seer ! Inquire of your augury if that of which
I am now thinking can come to pass." When Attus,
having taken the auspices, replied that it would
surely come to pass, the king said, " Nay, but this is

131

LIVY

agitavi," inquit, "te novacula cotem discissurum;
cape haec et perage quod aves tuae fieri posse por-
tendunt." Turn ilium haud cunctanter discidisse

5 cotem ferunt. Statua Atti capite velato, quo in loco
res acta est, in comitio in gradibus ipsis ad laevam
curiae fuit; cotem quoque eodem loco sitam fuisse
memorant, ut esset ad posteros miraculi eius monu-

G mentum. Auguriis certe sacerdotioque augurum
tantus honos accessit ut nihil belli domique postea
nisi auspicato gereretur, concilia populi, exercitus
vocati, summa rerunij ubi aves non admisissent, diri-

7 merentur. Neque turn Tarquinius de equitum cen-
turiis quicquam mutavit ; numero alterum tantum1
adiecit, ut mille et octingenti equites in tribus cen-

8 turiis essent. Posteriores modo sub iisdem nomini-
bus, qui additi ei-ant, appellati sunt ; quas nunc, quia
geminatae sunt, sex vocant centurias.

XXXVII. Hac parte copiarum aucta iterum cum
Sabinis confligitur. Sed praeterquam quod viribus
creverat Romanus exercitus, ex occulto etiam additur
dolus, missis qui magnam vim lignorum, in Anienis
ripa iacentem, ardentem in flumen conicerent ; ven-
toque iuvante accensa ligna et pleraque ratibus 2 in-
pacta sublicisque3 cum haererent, pontem incendunt

1 alterum tantum Lipsius : tantum alterum XI.

2 ratibus J\J 1Oronov.: in ratibus H.

3 sublicisque Oronov. : eublicis (or -iis) CI.

132

BOOK I. xxxvi. 4-xxxvn. i

what I was thinking of, that you should cleave a b.c.
whetstone with a razor. Take them, and accomplish 616-5
what your birds declare is possible ! " Whereupon,
they say, the augur, without a sign of hesitation, cut
the whetstone in two. There was a statue of Attus
standing, with his head covered, on the spot where
the thing was done, in the comitium, even at the
steps on the left of the senate-house ; tradition adds
that the whetstone also was deposited in the same
place, to be a memorial of that miracle to posterity.
However this may be, auguries and the augural
priesthood so increased in honour that nothing was
afterwards done, in the field or at home, unless the
auspices had first been taken : popular assemblies,
musterings of the army, acts of supreme importance
— all were put off when the birds refused their consent.
Neither did Tarquinius at that time make any change
in the organization of the centuries of knights. Their
numerical strength he doubled, so that there were
now eighteen hundred knights, in three centuries.
But though enrolled under the old names, the new
men were called the "secondary knights," and the
centuries are now, because doubled, known as the
"six centuries."

XXXVII. When this arm of the service had been
enlarged, a second battle was fought with the Sabines.
And in this, besides being increased in strength, the
Roman army was further helped by a stratagem,
for men wrere secretly dispatched to light a great
quantity of firewood lying on the bank of the Anio,
and throw it into the river. A favouring wind set
the wood in a blaze, and the greater part of it lodged
against the boats and piles, where it stuck fast and

*33

LIVY

2 Ea quoque res in pugna terrorem attulit Sabinis, et
fusis 1 eadem fugam impedit ; multique mortal es, cum
hostem effugissent, in flumine ipso periere ; quorum
fluitantia arma ad urbem cognita in Tiberi prius
paene quam nuntiari posset insignem victoriam

3 fecere. Eo proelio praecipua equitum gloria fuit ;
utrimque ab cornibus positos, cum iam pelleretur
media peditum suorum acies, ita incurrisse ab lateri-
bus ferunt, ut non sisterent modo Sabinas legiones
ferociter instantes cedentibus, sed subito in fugam

4 averterent. Montes efFuso cursu Sabini petebant, et
pauci tenuere ; maxima pars, ut ante dictum est, ab

5 equitibus in fhimen acti sunt. Tarquinius instandum
perterritis ratus, praeda captivisque Romam missis,
spoliis hostium — id votuni Volcano erat — ingenti
cumulo accensis, pergit porro in agrum Sabinum

6 exercitum inducere ; et quamquam male gesta res
erat nec gesturos melius sperare poterant, tamen,
quia consulendi res non dabat spatium, ire obviam
Sabini tumultuario milite ; iterumque ibi fusi perditis
iam prope rebus pacem petiere.

XXX VI II. Collatia et quidquid citra Collatiam
agri erat Sabinis ademptum ; Egerius — fratris hie

1 et fusis Jac. Gronov.: effusis fl.

134

BOOK I. xxxvii. 2-xxxviii. i

set the bridge on fire. This was another source of
alarm to the Sabines during the battle, and upon
their being routed the same thing hindered their
flight, so that many of them escaped the Romans only
to perish in the stream ; while their shields floated
down the Tiber toward the City, and, being recog-
nized, gave assurance that a victory had been won
almost sooner than the news of it could be brought.
In this battle the cavalry particularly distinguished
themselves. They were posted on either flank of the
Romans, and when the centre, composed of infantry,
was already in retreat, they are said to have charged
from both sides, with such effect that they not only
checked the Sabine forces, which were pressing hotly
forward as their enemy gave way, but suddenly put
them to flight. The Sabines made for the mountains
in a scattered rout, and indeed a few gained that
refuge. Most of them, as has been said before, were
driven by the cavalry into the river. Tarquinius
thought it proper to follow up his victory while the
other side was panic-stricken ; he therefore sent the
booty and the prisoners to Rome, and after making a
huge pile of the captured arms and setting fire to it,
in fulfilment of a vow to Vulcan, pushed forward at
the head of his army into the enemy's country. Al-
though defeat had been the portion of the Sabines,
and another battle could not be expected to result
in better success, still, as the situation allowed no
room for deliberation, they took the field with what
soldiers they could hastily muster, and being then
routed a second time and fairly reduced to ex-
tremities, they sued for peace.

XXXVIII. Collatia, and what land the Sabines
had on the hither side of Collatia, was taken from

135

LIVY

filius erat regis — Collatiae in praesidio relictus.
Deditosque Collatinos ita accipio eamque dedi-

2 tionis formulam esse ; rex interrogavit : c< Estisne
vos legati oratoresque missi a populo Collatino, ut
vos populumque Collatinum dederetis ? " "Sumus."
"Estne populus Collatinus in sua potestate?"
"Est." "Deditisne vos populumque Collatinum,
urbem, agros, aquam, terminos, delubra, utensilia,
divina humanaque omnia in meam populique Ro-
mani dicionem ? " a Dedimus." <( At ego recipio."

3 Bello Sabino perfecto Tarquinius triumphans Romara

4 redit. Inde Priscis Latinis bellum fecit. Ubi nus-
quam ad universae rei dimicationem ventum est, ad
singula oppida circumferendo arma omne nomen
Latinum domuit. Corniculum, Ficulea Vetus,
Cameria, Crustumerium, Ameriola, Medullia,1 No-
mentum — haec de Priscis Latinis aut qui ad Latinos
defecerant capta oppida. Pax deinde est facta.

5 Maiore inde animo pacis opera incohata quam
quanta mole gesserat bella, ut non quietior populus

G domi esset quam militiae fuisset ; nam et muro lapi-
deo, cuius exordium operis Sabino bello turbatum
erat, urbem qua nondum munierat cingere parat, et
infima urbis loca circa forum aliasque interiectas
collibus convalles, quia ex planis locis baud facile
evehebant aquaSj cloacis 2 fastigio in Tiberim ductis

1 Merfullia A Id.: medulla XI.

2 aquas cloacis RD\ : aqua se (or aqua se or aquas e
cloacis X2.

136

BOOK I. xxxviii. 1-6

them, and Egerius, the son of the king's brother, was b.c.
left in the town with a garrison. The surrender of 016-5
the Collatini took place, I understand, in accordance
with this formula : the king asked, " Are you the
legates and spokesmen sent by the People of Collatia
to surrender yourselves and the People of Collatia? "
" We are." " Is the People of Collatia its own mas-
ter? " " It is." " Do you surrender yourselves and
the People of Collatia, city, lands, water, boundary
marks, shrines, utensils, all appurtenances, divine and
human,into my power and that of the Roman People?'*
"We do." "I receive the surrender." Upon the
conclusion of the Sabine war Tarquinius returned to
Rome and triumphed. He then made war against
the Ancient Latins. In this campaign there was no
general engagement at any point, but the king led
his army from one town to another until he had
subdued the entire Latin race. Corniculum, Ficulea
Vetus, Cameria, Crustumerium, Ameriola, Medullia,
and Nomentum — these were the towns which were
captured from the Ancient Latins, or from those who
had gone over to the Latins. Peace was then made.

From that moment the king devoted himself to
peaceful undertakings with an enthusiasm which was
even greater than the efforts he had expended in
waging war, so that there was no more rest for the
people at home than there had been in the field.
For he set to work to encircle the hitherto unforti-
fied parts of the City with a stone wall, a task which
had been interrupted by the Sabine war; and he
drained the lowest parts of the City, about the Forum,
and the other valleys between the hills, which were
too flat to carry off the flood-waters easily, by means
of sewers so made as to slope down toward the Tiber.

137

LIVY

7 siccat, et aream ad aedem in Capitolio Iovis, quam
voverat bello Sabino, iam praesagiente animo futu-
ram olim amplitudinem loci occupat fundamentis.

XXXIX. Eo tempore in regia prodigium visu 1
eventuque mirabile fuit. Puero dormienti, cui Servio
Tullio fuit nomen/ caput arsisse ferunt multorum in

2 conspectu. Plurimo igitur clamore inde ad tantae
rei miraculum orto excitos reges, et cum quidam
familiarium aquam ad restinguendum ferrety ab re-
gina retentum, sedatoque earn tumultu moveri vetu-
isse puerum donee sua sponte experrectus esset.

3 Mox cum somno et flammam abisse. Turn abducto
in secretum viro Tanaquil, "Viden3 tu puerum hunc/'
inquit, "quern tarn humili cultu educamus? Scire
licet hunc lumen quondam rebus nostris dubiis
futurum praesidiumque regiae adflictae ; proinde
materiam ingentis publice privatimque decoris omni

4 indulgentia nostra nutriamus." Inde puerum liberum
loco coeptum haberi, erudirique artibus, quibus in-
genia ad magnae fortunae cultum excitantur. Evenit
facile quod dis cordi esset. Iuvenis evasit vere
indolis regiae, nee, cum quaereretur gener Tarquinio,
quisquam Romanae iuventutis ulla arte conferri

5 potuit, filiamque ei suam rex despondit. Hie qua-
cumque de causa tantus illi honos habitus credere

1 visu Og- : uisum CI.

2 puero dormienti, cui Servio Tullio fuit nomen : these
words are missing or corrupted in the other MSS.

3 viden M\ ' uidene D'2 : uidesne Cl.

138

BOOK I. xxxvm. 6-xxxlx. 5

Finally, with prophetic anticipation of the splendour
which the place was one day to possess, he laid
foundations for the temple of Jupiter on the Capitol,
which he had vowed in the Sabine war.

XXXIX. At this time there happened in the
house of the king a portent which was remarkable
alike in its manifestation and in its outcome. The
story is that while a child named Servius Tullius
lay sleeping, his head burst into flames in the sight
of many. The general outcry which so great a
miracle called forth brought the king and queen to
the place. One of the servants fetched water to
quench the fire, but was checked by the queen, who
stilled the uproar and commanded that the boy
should not be disturbed until he awoke of himself.
Soon afterwards sleep left him, and with it disap-
peared the flames. Then, taking her husband aside,
Tanaquil said : " Do you see this child whom we
are bringing up in so humble a fashion ? Be assured
he will one day be a lamp to our dubious fortunes,
and a protector to the royal house in the day of its
distress. Let us therefore rear with all solicitude
one who will lend high renown to the state and to
our family." It is said that from that moment the
boy began to be looked upon as a son, and to be
trained in the studies by which men are inspired
to bear themselves greatly. It was a thing easily
accomplished, being the will of Heaven. The youth
turned out to be of a truly royal nature, and
when Tarquinius sought a son-in-law there was no
other young Roman who could be at all compared
to Servius ; and the king accordingly betrothed his
daughter to him. This great honour, for whatever
cause conferred on him, forbids us to suppose that

139

LIVY

prohibet serva natum eum parvumque ipsum servisse.
Eorum magis sententiae sum qui Corniculo capto
Ser. Tullr, qui princeps in ilia urbe fuerat, gravidam
viro occiso uxorem, cum inter reliquas captivas cog-
nita essetj ob unicam nobilitatem ab regina Romana
prohibitam ferunt servitio partum Romae edidisse
6 Prisci Tarquini in domo1 ; inde tanto beneficio et
inter mulieris familiaritatem auctam et puerum, ut
in domo a parvo eductum, in caritate atque honore
fuisse ; fortunam matris, quod capta patria in hos-
tium manus venerit, ut serva natus crederetur fe-
cisse.

XL. Duodequadragesimo ferme anno, ex quo reg-
nare coeperat Tarquinius, non apud regem modo
sed apud patres plebemque longe maximo honore

2 Ser. Tullius erat. Turn Anci filii duo, etsi antea
semper pro indignissimo habuerant se patrio regno
tutoris fraude pulsos, regnare Romae advenam non
modo vicinae, sed ne Italicae quidem stirpis, turn
impensius iis indignitas crescere, si ne ab Tarquinio

3 quidem ad se rediret regnunr, sed praeceps inde
porro ad servitia caderet, ut in eadem civitate post
centesimum fere annum quod2 Romulus, deo pro-
gnatus deus ipse, tenuerit regnum donee in terris

1 in domo f : domo n.

2 quod Madvig : quam fl.

T40

BOOK I. xxxix. 5-xl. 3

his mother was a slave and that he himself had been
in a state of servitude as a child. I am rather of
the opinion of those who say, that on the capture of
Corniculum, when Servius Tullius, the chief man of
that city, had been slain, his wife, who was great
with child, had been recognized amongst the other
captive women, and on the score of her unique no-
bility had been rescued from slavery by the Roman
queen, and had brought forth her child at Rome in
the house of Priscus Tarquinius ; in the sequel this
act of generosity led to a growing intimacy between
the women, and the boy, as one reared from
childhood in the palace, was held in affection and
esteem ; it was his mother's misfortune, who by the
capture of her native town came into the power of
its enemies, which gave rise to the belief that Servius
was born of a slave woman.

XL. It was now about thirty-eight years since
Tarquinius had begun to reign, and not only the
king, but the Fathers and the commons too, held
Servius Tullius in the very highest honour. Now
the two sons of Ancus had always considered it a
great outrage that they had been ousted from their
father's kingship by the crime of their guardian,
and that Rome should be ruled by a stranger whose
descent was derived from a race not only remote
but actually not even Italian. But their indignation
was vastly increased by the prospect that even after
Tarquinius' death the sovereignty would not revert
to them, but, plunging down to yet baser depths,
would fall into the hands of slaves ; so that where,
a hundred years before, Romulus, a god's son and
himself a god, had borne sway, so long as he re-
mained on earth, in that self-same state a slave and

LIVY

fuerit, id servus serva natus possideat. Cum com-
mune Romani nominis turn praecipue id domus suae
dedecus fore, si Anci regis virili stirpe salva non
modo advenisj sed servis etiam regnum Romae pate-

4 ret. Ferro igitur earn arcere contumeliam statuunt.
Sed et iniuriae dolor in Tarquinium ipsum magis
quam in Servium eos stimulabat, et quia gravior
ultor caedis, si superessct, rex futurus erat quam
privatus, turn Servio occiso quemcumque alium
generum delegisset eundem regni heredem facturus

5 videbatur, ob haec ipsi regi insidiae parantur. Ex
pastoribus duo ferocissimi delecti ad facinus, quibus
consueti erant uterque agrestibus ferramentis, in
vestibulo regiae quam potuere tumultuosissime specie
rixae in se omnes apparitores regios convertunt;
inde, cum ambo regem appellarent clamorque eorum
penitus in regiam pervenisset, vocati ad regem per-

6 gunt. Primo uterque vociferari et certatim alter
alteri obstrepere ; coerciti ab lictore et iussi in vicem
dicere tandem obloqui desistunt ; unus rem ex com-

7 posito orditur. Dum intentus in eum se rex totus
averteretj alter elatam securim in caput deiecit,
relictoque in volnere telo ambo se foras eiciunt.

XLI. Tarquinium moribundum cum qui circa erant
142

BOOK I. xl. 3-XL1. i

the son of a slave woman would be king. It would
be not only a general disgrace to the Roman name,
but particularly to their own house, if during the
lifetime of Ancus' sons it should be open not only
to strangers, but even to slaves to rule over the
Romans. They therefore determined to repel that
insult with the sword. But resentment at their
wrong urged them rather against Tarquinius him-
self than against Servius, not only because the king,
if he survived, would be more formidable to avenge
the murder than a subject would be, but because
if Servius should be dispatched it seemed probable
that the kingdom would be inherited by whomsoever
else Tarquinius might choose to be his son-in-law.
For these reasons they laid their plot against the
king himself. Two very desperate shepherds were
selected to do the deed. Armed with the rustic
implements to which they were both accustomed,
they feigned a brawl in the entrance-court of the
palace and, making as much noise as possible, at-
tracted the attention of all the royal attendants ;
then they appealed to the king, until their shouts
were heard inside the palace and they were sent
for and came before him. At first each raised his
voice and tried to shout the other down. Being re-
pressed by the lictor and bidden to speak in turn,
they finally ceased to interrupt each other, and
one of them began to state his case, as they had
planned beforehand. While the king, intent upon
the speaker, turned quite away from the other shep-
herd, the latter lifted his axe and brought it down
upon his head. Then, leaving the weapon in the
wound, they both ran out of doors.

XLI. The dying Tarquinius had hardly been caught

M3

LIVY

excepissent, illos fugientes lictores comprehend unt.
Clamor inde concursusque populi, mirantium1 quid
rei esset. Tanaquil inter tumultum claudi regiam
iubet, arbitros eicit.2 Simul quae curando volneri
opus sunt, tamquam spes subesset, sedulo conparat,

2 simulj si destituat spes, alia praesidia molitur. Ser-
vio propere accito cum paene exsanguem virum
ostendisset, dextram tenens orat ne inultam mor-
tem soceri, ne socrum inimicis ludibrio esse sinat.

3 "Tuum est," inquit, "Servi, si vir es, regnum, non
eorum qui alienis manibus pessimum facinus fecere.
Erige te deosque duces sequere, qui clarum hoc fore
caput divino quondam circumfuso igni portenderunt.
Nunc te ilia caelestis excitet flamma, nunc expergi-
scere vere. Et nos peregrini regnavimus ; qui sis,
non unde natus sis, reputa. Si tua re subifea consilia

4 torpent, at tu mea consilia sequere." Cum clamor
impetusque multitudinis vix sustineri posset, ex supe-
riore parte aedium per fenestras in Novam viam
versas3 — habitabat enim rex ad Iovis Statoris — popu-

5 lum Tanaquil adloquitur. Iubet bono animo esse :
sopitum fuisse regem subito ictu ; ferrum haud alte
in corpus descendisse ; iam ad se redisse ; inspectum

1 mirantium : mirantum {or mirandum) ft.

2 eicit : eiecit ft. 3 versas uersus ft.

144

BOOK I. xli. 1-5

up in the arms of the bystanders when the fugitives
were seized by the lictors. Then there was an uproar,
as crowds hurried to the scene, asking one another
in amazement what the matter was. In the midst
of the tumult Tanaquil gave orders to close the
palace, and ejected all witnesses. She busily got
together the remedies needful for healing a wound,
as if there were still hope, taking at the same time
other measures to protect herself in case her hope
should fail her. Having hastily summoned Servius,
she showed him her husband's nearly lifeless body,
and grasping his right hand, besought him not to
suffer the death of his father-in-law to go un-
punished, nor his mother-in-law to become a jest to
her enemies. " To you, Servius," she cried, "if you
are a man, belongs this kingdom, not to those who
by the hands of others have committed a dastardly
crime. Arouse yourself and follow the guidance of
the gods, who once declared by the token of divine
fire poured out upon this head that you should be a
famous man. Now is the time for that heaven-sent
flame to quicken you ! Now wake in earnest ! We,
too, were foreigners, yet we reigned. Consider what
you are, not whence you were born. If your own
counsels are benumbed in this sudden crisis, at least
use mine." When the shouting and pushing of the
crowd could hardly be withstood, Tanaquil went up
into the upper storey of the house, and through a
window looking out upon the Nova Via — for the
king lived near the temple of Jupiter the Stayer —
addressed the populace. She bade them be of good
cheer : the king had been stunned by a sudden blow ;
the steel had not sunk deep into his body ; he had
already recovered consciousness ; the blood had been

145

LIVY

a.v.c. volnus absterso cruore ; omnia salubria esse ; confi-

138-176

dere prope diem ipsum eos visuros ; interim Ser.
Tullio iubere populum dicto audientem esse ; eum
iura redditurum obiturumque alia regis munia esse.

6 Servius cum trabea et lictoribus prodit ac sede regia
sedens alia decernit, de aliis consulturum se regem
esse simulat. Itaque per aliquot dies, cum iain ex-
spirasset Tarquinius, celata morte per speciem alienae
fungendae vicis suas opes firmavit. Turn demum
palam factum est1 comploratione in regia orta. Ser-
vius praesidio firmo munitus primus iniussu populi

7 voluntate patrum regnavit. Anci liberi iam turn,
comprensis2 sceleris ministris ut vivere regem et
tantas esse opes Servi nuntiatum est, Suessam Pome-
tiam exsulatum ierant.

a.u.o. XLII. Nec iam publicis magis consiliis Servius

1j6 2-0 qliam privatis munire opes, et ne, qualis Anci libe-
rum animus adversus Tarquinium fuerat, talis adver-
sus se Tarquini liberum esset, duas filias iuvenibus
2 regiis, Lucio atque Arrunti Tarquiniis, iungit; nec
rupit tamen fati necessitatem humanis consiliis, quin
invidia regni etiam inter domesticos infida omnia
atque infesta faceret. Peropportune ad praesentis

1 est f- : et H.

2 comprensis <?Ald.\ com (or con-) pressis or cum com (or
con-) prensis (or -pressis) or cum compreliensis n.

146

BOOK I. xli. 5-xLii. 2

wiped away and the wound examined ; all the symp- b.c.
toms were favourable ; she trusted that they would 616-6
soon see Tarquinius himself ; meanwhile she com-
manded that the people should obey Servius Tullius,
who would dispense justice and perform the other
duties of the king. Servius went forth in the royal
robe, accompanied by lictors, and sitting in the king's
seat rendered judgment in some cases, while in regard
to others he gave out that he would consult the king.
In this way for several days after Tarquinius had
breathed his last he concealed his death, pretending
that he was merely doing another's work, while he
was really strengthening his own position ; then at
last the truth was allowed to be known, from the
lamentations which arose within the palace. Servius
surrounded himself with a strong guard, and ruled
at first without the authorization of the people, but
with the consent of the Fathers. The sons of Ancus,
upon the arrest of the agents of their crime and the
report that the king was alive and that Servius was
so strong, had already gone into voluntary exile at
Suessa Pometia.

XLI I. Servius now took steps to assure his posi- 57B8^v
tion by private as well as public measures. In order
that the sons of Tarquinius might not show the
same animosity towards himself which the sons of
Ancus had felt towards Tarquinius, he married his
two daughters to the young princes, Lucius and
Arruns Tarquinius. But he could not break the
force of destiny by human wisdom ; and jealousy of
his power, even among the members of his house-
hold, created an atmosphere of treachery and hos-
tility. Most opportune for the tranquil preservation

147

LIVY

quietem status bellum cum Veientibus — iam enim

3 indutiae exierant — aliisque Etruscis sumptum. In
eo bello et virtus et fortuna enituit Tulli ; fusoque
ingenti hostium exercitu baud dubius rex seu pa-
trum seu plebis animos pcriclitaretur, Romam rediit.

4 Adgrediturque inde ad pacis longe maximum opus.,
ut quemadmodum Numa divini auctor iuris fuisset,
ita Servium conditorem omnis in civitate discriminis
ordinumque quibus inter gradus dignitatis fortu-

5 naeque aliquid interlucet, posted fama ferrent. Cen-
sum enim instituit, rem saluberrimam tanto futuro
imperiOj ex quo belli pacisque munia non viritim, ut
ante, sed pro habitu pecuniarum fierent ; turn classes
centuriasque et hunc ordinem ex censu discripsit/1
vel paci decorum vel bello. XLIII. Ex iis_,2 qui
centum milium aeris aut maiorem censum haberent

1 discripsit R : descripsit n. 2 iis Aid.: his H.

1 Perhaps a reference to the hundred years' truce with
Romulus (xv. 5), for Livy has not mentioned any war with
Veii in the interval, though one is implied in the statement
(xxxiii. 9) that the Yeientes surrendered the Maesian Forest,
in the reign of Ancns.

2 The organisation now to be described was primarily
designed to increase the fighting strength of Rome. For-
merly the right to bear arms had belonged solely to the
patricians. Now plebeians were to be given a place in the
army, which was to be reclassified according to every man's
property, i.e. his ability to provide himself a more or less
complete equipment for the field. See Dion. Hal. iv. 16-21 ;
Cic. Rep. ii. 39.

148

BOOK L xui. 2-xliii. i

of the existing state of things was a war which was b.c.
undertaken against the people of Veii — for the 578-5
truce 1 had now run out — and the other Etruscans.
In this war the bravery and good fortune of Tullius
were conspicuous ; and when he had utterly de-
feated the vast army of his enemies, he found on
returning to Rome that his title to the kingship was
no longer questioned, whether he tested the feeling
of the Fathers or that of the commons. He then
addressed himself to what is by far the most im-
portant work of peace : as Numa had established
religious law, so Servius intended that posterity
should celebrate himself as the originator of all
distinctions among the citizens, and of the orders
which clearly differentiate the various grades of rank
and fortune. For he instituted the census,2 a most
useful thing for a government destined to such wide
dominion, since it would enable the burdens of war
and peace to be borne not indiscriminately, as here-
tofore, but in proportion to men's wealth. He then
distributed the people into classes and centuries
according to the following scale, which was based
upon the census and was suitable either for peace or
war : XLIII. Out of those who had a rating of a
hundred thousand asses 3 or more he made eighty

3 Capital, not income. The as was originally a rod of
copper a foot long and divided into twelve inches (unciae).
Some time during the regal period weight was substituted
for measure in appraising the as, and it began to be stamped
with the figure of an ox, which was the source of the Latin
name for money, viz. pecunia. From being a full pound
the as was gradually reduced, till, in the Second Punic War,
it came to weigh only one ounce. What its value may have
been in the time of Servius is a highly speculative question.
See the note in the edition of Book I. by H. J. Edwards
(pp. 179 ff.).

149

LIVY

octoginta confecit centurias, quadragenas seniorum

2 ac iuniorum; prima1 classis omnes appellati; seniores
ad urbis custodiam ut praesto essent, iuvenes ut foris
bella gererent. Arma bis imperata galea, clipeum,
ocreae, lorica, omnia ex aere, baec ut tegumenta
corporis essent ; tela in bostem bastaque et gladius.

3 Additae huic classi duae fabrum centuriae, quae sine
armis stipendia facerent ; datum munus ut machinas

4 in bello facerent.2 Secunda classis intra centum
usque ad quinque et septuaginta milium censum
instituta, et ex iis, senioribus iunioribusque, viginti
conscriptae centuriae. Arma imperata scutum pro

5 clipeo et praeter loricam omnia eadem. Tertiae
classis 3 quinquaginta 4 milium censum esse voluit ;
totidcm centuriae et bae5 eodemque discrimine
aetatium factae. Nec de armis quicquam mutatum,

6 ocreae tantum ademptae. In quarta classe census
quinque et viginti milium ; totidem centuriae factae ;
arma mutata, nihil praeter bastam et verutum da-

7 turn. Quinta classis aucta ; centuriae triginta factae ;
fundas lapidesque missiles hi secum gerebant. His 0
accensi cornicines tubicinesque/ in duas 8 centurias
distribute Undecim milibus haec classis censebatur.

8 Hoc minor census reliquam multitudinem habuit ;
inde una centuria facta est immunis militia, lta

1 prima ^F^R* : prime E ? : primo CI.

2 facerent Lipsius : ferrent CI.

3 tertiae classis : tertia classis CI.

4 quinquaginta Sobius : in quinquaginta CI.

* hae : haec CI. 6 his lac. Perizonius : in his CI.

7 tubicinesque §- : tibicinesque CI.

8 duas Sigonius (cf. Dion. Hal. iv. 17, 3) : tres CI.

l5°

BOOK I. xun. 1-8

centuries, forty each of seniors and of juniors; these
were all known as the first class ; the seniors were
to be ready to guard the city, the juniors to wage
war abroad. The armour which these men were
required to provide consisted of helmet, round
shield, greaves, and breast-plate, all of bronze, for
the protection of their bodies ; their offensive
weapons were a spear and a sword. There were
added to this class two centuries of mechanics, who
were to serve without arms ; to them was entrusted
the duty of fashioning siege-engines in war. The
second class was drawn up out of those whose rating
was between a hundred thousand and seventy -five
thousand ; of these, seniors and juniors, twenty cen-
turies were enrolled. The arms prescribed for them
were an oblong shield in place of the round one,
and everything else, save for the breast-plate, as in
the class above. He fixed the rating of the third
class at fifty thousand ; a like number of centuries
was formed in this class as in the second, and with
the same distinction of ages ; neither was any change
made in their arms, except that the greaves were
omitted. In the fourth class the rating was twenty-
five thousand ; the same number of centuries was
formed, but their equipment was changed, nothing
being given them but a spear and a javelin. The
fifth class was made larger, and thirty centuries were
formed. These men carried slings, with stones for
missiles. Rated with them were the horn-blowers
and trumpeters, divided into two centuries. Eleven
thousand was the rating of this class. Those who
were assessed at less than this amount, being all the
rest of the population, were made into a single
century, exempt from military service. When the

LIVY

a.u.c. pedestri excrcitu ornato distributoque equitum ex

176-220 1 i r.

9 primoribus civitatis duodecim scripsit centurias. Sex
item alias centurias, tribus ab Romulo institutis, sub
iisdem quibus inauguratae erant nominibus fecit. Ad
equos emendos dena milia aeris ex publico data, et
quibus equos alerent, viduae attributae, quae bina
milia aeris in annos singulos penderent. Haec omnia

10 in dites a pauperibus inclinata onera. Deinde est
honos additus ; non enim, ut ab Romulo traditum
ceteri servaverant reges, viritim sufFragium eadem vi
eodemque iure promisee omnibus datum est, sed
gradus facti, ut neque exclusus quisquam suffragio
videretur et vis omnis penes primores civitatis esset.

11 Equites enim vocabantur primi ; octoginta hide pri-
mae classis centuriae ; ibi 1 si variaret, quod raro in-
cidebat, institutum ut2 secundae classis vocarentur,
nec fere unquam infra ita descenderunt,3 ut ad infi-

12 mos pervenirent. Nec mirari oportet hunc ordinem,
qui nunc est post expletas quinque et triginta tribus
duplicato earum numero centuriis iuniorum senior-
umque, ad4 institutam ab Ser. Tullio summam non

13 convenire. Quadrifariam enim urbe divisa regioni-
bus collibusque qui habitabantur, partes eas tribus

1 centuriae ; ibi $■* : centuriae primum peditum uocabantur
ibi n.

2 incidebat, institutum ut Novak : incidebat ut H.

3 descenderunt ^ : descenderent Cl.

4 ad g- : se {or sese, or sed) ad fi.

i52

BOOK I. xliii. 8-13

equipment and distribution of the infantry had been
thus provided for, Servius enrolled twelve centuries
of knights out of the leading men of the state. He
likewise formed six other centuries — three had
been instituted by Romulus — employing the same
names which had been hallowed to their use by
augury. For the purchase of horses they were al-
lowed ten thousand asses each from the state treasury,
and for the maintenance of these horses unmarried
women were designated, who had to pay two thousand
asses each, every year. All these burdens were shifted
from the shoulders of the poor to those of the rich.
The latter were then granted special privileges : for
manhood suffrage, implying equality of power and
of rights, was no longer given promiscuously to all,
as had been the practice handed down by Romulus
and observed by all the other kings ; but gradations
were introduced, so that ostensibly no one should be
excluded from the suffrage, and yet the power should
rest with the leading citizens. For the knights were
called upon to vote first ; then the eighty centuries
of the first class : if there were any disagreement
there, which rarely happened, it was provided that
the centuries of the second class should be called ;
and they almost never descended so far as to reach
the lowest citizens. Nor ought it to cause any surprise
that the present organization, which exists since the
increase of the tribes to thirty-five, and the doubling
of their number in the matter of the junior and
senior centuries, does not correspond with the total
established by Servius Tullius. For, having divided
the City according to its inhabited regions and hills
into four parts, he named them "tribes," a word

153

L1VY

a.u.c. appellavit, ut ego arbitror^ ab tributo ; nam eius quo-
que aequaliter ex censu conferendi ab eodem inita
ratio est ; neque eae tribus ad centuriarum distribu-
tionem numerumque quicquam pertinuere.

XLIV. Censu perfecto, quern maturaverat metu
legis de incensis latae cum vinculorum minis mortis-
que_, edixit, ut omnes cives Romani, equites pedites-
que, in suis quisque centuriis in campo Martio prima

2 luce adessent. Ibi instructum exercitum omnem
suovetaurilibus 1 lustravit; idque conditum lustrum
appellatum, quia is 2 censendo finis factus est. Milia
octoginta eo lustro civium censa dicuntur; adicit
scriptorum antiquissimus Fabius Pictor eorum qui

3 arma ferre possent eum numerum fuisse. Ad earn
multitudinem urbs quoque amplificanda visa est.
Addit duos colles, Quirinalem Viminalemque ; inde
deinceps auget Esquilias, ibique ipse,, ut loco digni-
tas fieret, habitat. Aggere et fossis et muro circum-

4 dat urbem ; ita pomerium profert. Pomerium^ verbi
vim solam intuentes, postmoerium interpretantur
esse ; est autem magis circamoerium, locus quern in
condendis urbibus quondam Etrusci, qua murum

1 suovetaurilibus Ehenanus : sue oue taurilibus (or other
corruptions) fl.

2 is Gronovius " ex cod. Mureti" : in n.

1 Tribvtum comes from tribus (not vice versa, as Livy has
it), which meant originally *' third part," but lost the
numerical force and became simply "part," "district," like
the French " quartier," which Waldo compares.

2 Dion. iv. 13, and Strabo, v. 3, 7, make Servius the first
to include the Esquiline in the City. Livy appears to have

154

BOOK I. xlui. 13-xLiv. 4

derived, I suppose, from " tribute " ; 1 for this like-
wise the same king planned to have apportioned
equitably, on the basis of the census ; nor had
these tribes anything whatever to do with the
distribution or the number of the centuries.

XLIV. Upon the completion of the census, which
had been expedited by fear of a law that threatened
with death and imprisonment those who failed to
register, Servius issued a proclamation calling on all
Roman citizens, both horse and foot, to assemble at
daybreak, each in his own century, in the Campus
Martius. There the whole army was drawn up, and
a sacrifice of a pig, a sheep, and a bull was offered
by the king for its purification. This was termed
the "closing of the lustrum," because it was the
last act in the enrolment. Eighty thousand citizens
are said to have been registered in that census ; the
most ancient of the historians, Fabius Pictor, adds
that this was the number of those capable of bearing
arms. To meet the wants of this population it was
apparent that the City must expand, and so the king
added two hills, the Quirinal and the Viminal, after
which he proceeded to enlarge the Esquiline,2 going
there to live himself, that the place might obtain a
good reputation. He surrounded the City with a
rampart, trenches, and a wall, and so extended the
"pomerium." This word is interpreted by those who
look only at its etymology as meaning " the tract
behind the wall," but it signifies rather " the tract
on both sides of the wall," the space which the
Etruscans used formerly to consecrate with augural

thought of him as merely increasing the extent of that
district. Conway and Walters adopt O's Viminalemque,
Viminolem, and Gronov's Esquilits, thus reconciling Livy
with Dion, and Strabo.

155

LIVY

a.u.c. ducturi erant, certis circa terminis inaugurate) conse-

176-220

crabant, ut neque interiore parte aedificia moenibus
continuarentur, quae nunc volgo etiam coniungunt,
et extrinsecus puri aliquid ab humano cultu pateret
5 soli. Hoc spatium, quod neque habitari neque arari
fas erat, non magis quod post murum esset quam
quod murus post id, pomerium Romani appellarunt;
et in urbis incremento semper, quantum moenia pro-
cessura erant tantum termini hi consecrati profere-
bantur.

XLV. Aucta civitate magnitudine urbis, formatis
omnibus domi et ad belli et ad pacis usus, ne semper
armis opes adquirerentur, consilio augere imperium

2 conatus est, simul et aliquod addere urbi decus. Iam
turn erat inclitum Dianae Epbesiae fanum ; id com-
muniter a civitatibus Asiae factum fama ferebat.
Eum consensum deosque consociatos laudare mire
Servius inter proceres Latinorum, cum quibus publice
privatimque hospitia amicitiasque de industria iunx-
erat Saepe iterando eadem perpulit tandem, ut
Romae fanum Dianae populi Latini cum populo

3 Romano facerent. Ea erat confessio caput rerum
Romam esse, de quo totiens armis certatum fuerat.

1 Pomerium at first meant the boundary-line itself, then
the strip of land left free within the wall, and finally was
loosely used of the strip on both sides of the wall.

156

BOOK I. xliv. 4-xlv. 3

ceremonies, where they proposed to erect their wall,
establishing definite limits on either side of it, so
that they might at the same time keep the walls
free on their inward face from contact with build-
ings, which now, as a rule, are actually joined to
them, and on the outside keep a certain area free
from human uses. This space, which the gods for-
bade men to inhabit or to till, was called "pomerium"
by the Romans, quite as much because the wall stood
behind it as because it stood behind the wall ; and
as the city grew, these consecrated limits were always
pushed out for as great a distance as the walls them-
selves were to be advanced.1

XLV. When the king had promoted the grandeur
of the state by enlarging the City, and had shaped
all his domestic policy to suit the demands of peace
as well as those of war, he was unwilling that arms
should always be the means employed for strength-
ening Rome's power, and sought to increase her sway
by diplomacy, and at the same time to add something
to the splendour of the City. Even at that early date
the temple of Diana at Ephesus enjoyed great renown.
It was reputed to have been built through the co-
operation of the cities of Asia, and this harmony and
community of worship Servius praised in superlative
terms to the Latin nobles, with whom, both officially
and in private, he had taken pains to establish a
footing of hospitality and friendship. By dint ot
reiterating the same arguments he finally carried his
point, and a shrine of Diana was built in Rome by
the nations of Latium conjointly with the Roman
People. This was an admission that Rome was the
capital — a point which had so often been disputed

VOL. i.

157

G

IJVY

Id quamquam omissum iam ex omnium cura Latin-
orum ob rem totiens infeliciter temptatam armis
videbatur, uni se ex Sabinis fors dare visa est privato

4 consilio imperii reciperandi. Bos in Sabinis nata
cuidam patri familiae dicitur miranda magnitudine
ac specie ; fixa per multas aetates cornua in vesti-
bulo templi Dianae monumentum ei fuere miraculo.

5 Habita, ut erat, res prodigii loco est ; et cecinere
vates, cuius civitatis earn civis Dianae immolasset,1
ibi fore imperium ; idque carmen pervenerat ad anti-

6 stitem fani Dianae Sabinusque, ut prima apta dies
sacrificio visa est, bovem Romam actam deducit ad
fanum Dianae et ante aram statuit. Ibi antistes
Romanus, cum eum magnitudo victimae celebrata
fama movisset, memor responsi Sabinum ita adlo-
quitur : " Quidnam tu, hospes, paras ? " inquit, "in-
ceste sacrificium Dianae facere ? Quin tu ante vivo
perfunderis flumine ? Infima valle praefluit Tiberis."

7 Religione tactus hospes, qui omnia, ut prodigio
responderet eventus, cuperet rite facta, extemplo
descendit ad Tiberim. Interea Romanus immolat
Dianae bovem. Id mire gratum regi atque civitati
fuit.

XLVI. Servius quamquam iam usu haud dubie 2
regnum possederat, tamen quia interdum iactari

1 immolasset Rhenan.: immolassent ft.

2 dubie Ml (or M*} : dubiae (or dubiem or dubium) fl.

158

BOOK I. xlv. 3-xlvi. i

with force of arms. But though it seemed that the h.c.
Latins had lost all interest in this contention after 578-5
the repeated failure of their appeals to war, there
was one man amongst the Sabines who thought that
he saw an opportunity to recover the empire by a
shrewd plan of his own. In the Sabine country, on
the farm of a certain head of a family, there was
born a heifer of extraordinary size and beauty ; a
marvel to which the horns afterwards bore testimony,
for they were fastened up for many generations in
the vestibule of Diana's temple. This heifer was
regarded as a prodigy, as indeed it was ; soothsayers
prophesied that the state whose citizens should sacri-
fice the animal to Diana would be the seat of empire,
and this prediction had reached the ears of the priest
of Diana's shrine. On the earliest day which seemed
suitable for the sacrifice, the Sabine drove the heifer
to Rome, and bringing her to the shrine of Diana,
led her up to the altar. There the Roman priest,
moved by the great size of the victim, which had
been much talked of, and recalling the prophecy,
asked the Sabine, " What is this that you are doing,
stranger? Would you sacrifice, unpurified, to Diana ?
Not so ! First bathe in a running stream ; the Tiber
flows by in the bottom of the valley." The stranger,
touched by a scruple and wishing to do everything ac-
cording to ritual, that the prodigy might be answered
by the event, at once descended to the Tiber. Mean-
while the Roman offered the heifer to Diana, an act
which was exceedingly acceptable to the king and
the citizens.

XLVI. Servius had by this time a definite pre-
scriptive right to the supreme power. Still, hearing

159

LIVY

voces a iuvene Tarquinio audiebat se iniussu populi
regnare, conciliata prius voluntate plebis agro capto
ex hostibus viritim diviso ausus est ferre ad populum,
vellent iuberentne se regnare ; tantoque consensu
quanto haud quisquam alius ante rex est declaratus.

2 Neque ea res Tarquinio spem adfectandi regni
minuit; immo eo impensius, quia de agro plebis
adversa1 patrum voluntate2 senserat agi, criminandi
Servi apud patres crescendique in curia sibi occasio-
nem datam ratus est, et ipse iuvenis ardentis animi
et domi uxore Tullia inquietum animum stimulante.

3 Tulit enim et Romana regia sceleris tragici exem-
plum, ut taedio regum maturior veniret libertas ulti-
raumque regnum esset quod scelere partum foret.

4 Hie L. Tarquinius — Prisci Tarquini regis filius ne-
posne fuerit parum liquet; pluribus tamen auctori-
bus filium ediderim — fratrem habuerat Arruntem

5 Tarquinium, mitis ingenii iuvenem. His duobus, ut
ante dictum est, duae Tulliae regis filiae nupserant,
et ipsae longe dispares moribus. Forte ita inciderat
ne duo violenta ingenia matrimonio iungerentur for-
tuna, credo, populi Romani, quo diuturnius Servi
regnum esset constituique civitatis mores possent.

1 adversa M2POt : adversam (or -um) n.
8 voluntate g- : uoluntatem fl.

1 The reference is to the stories of Atreus and Oedipus.
160

BOOK I. xlvi. 1-5

that the young Tarquinius now and then threw out b.c.
a hint that he was reigning without the consent of 678-5
the people, he proceeded to gain the goodwill of
the commons by dividing among all the citizens
the land obtained by conquest from the enemy ;
after which he made bold to call upon the people
to vote whether he should be their ruler, and was
declared king with such unanimity as none of his
predecessors had experienced. Yet the circumstance
did not lessen Tarquinius's hopes of obtaining the
kingship. On the contrary, perceiving that the be-
stowal of land on the plebeians was in opposition to the
wishes of the senate, he felt that he had got the better
opportunity of vilifying Servius to the Fathers and
of increasing his own influence in the senate-house.
He was a hot-headed youth himself, and he had at
hand, in the person of Tullia his wife, one who
goaded on his restless spirit. For the royal house of
Rome produced an example of tragic guilt, as others
had done,1 in order that loathing of kings might
hasten the coming of liberty, and that the end of
reigning might come in that reign which was the
fruit of crime. This Lucius Tarquinius — whether
he was the son or the grandson of King Tarquinius
Priscus is uncertain ; but, following the majority of
historians, I would designate him son — had a brother,
Arruns Tarquinius, a youth of a gentle disposition.
These two, as has been said before, had married the
two Tullias, daughters of the king, themselves of
widely different characters. Chance had so ordered
matters that the two violent natures should not be
united in wedlock, thanks doubtless to the good
fortune of the Roman People, that the reign of
Servius might be prolonged and the traditions of

161

LIVY

a.u.c. 6 Angebatur ferox Tullia nihil materiae in viro neque

17G-220 , .,. i -j .

ad cupiditatem neque ad audaciam esse ; tota in
alterum aversa 1 Tarquinium eum mirari, eum virum
dicere ac regio sanguine ortum : spernere sororern,

7 quod virum nacta muliebri cessaret audacia. Con-
trahit celeriter similitudo eos, ut fere fit : malum
malo aptissimum ; sed initium turbandi omnia a
femina ortum est. Ea secretis viri alieni adsuefacta
sermonibus nullis verborum contumeliis parcere de
viro ad fratrem, de sorore ad virum ; et se rectius
viduam et ilium caelibem futurum fuisse contendere,
quam cum inpari iungi, ut elanguescendum aliena

8 ignavia esset. Si sibi eum, quo digna esset, di
dedissent virum, domi se propediem visuram regnum
fuisse, quod apud patrem videat. Celeriter adules-

9 centem suae temeritatis implet.2 Prope continuatis
funeribus cum doinos vacuas novo matrimonio fecis-
sent, iunguntur nuptiis magis non prohibente Servio
quam adprobante.

XLVII. Turn vero in dies infestior Tulli senectus,
infestius coepit regnum esse. Iam enim ab scelere
ad aliud spectare mulier scelus, nec nocte nec inter-
diu virum conquiescere pati, ne gratuita praeterita
2 parricidia essent : non sibi defuisse cui nupta dice-

1 aversa : ad versa D 1 : versa (or versam or ad versa) Si.

2 Between implet and prope the MSS. give the words
Arruns Tarquinius et Tullia minor which Walters brackets.

162

BOOK I. XLVI. 6-XLVI1. 2

the state become established. It was distressing to
the headstrong Tullia that her husband should be
destitute of ambition and enterprise. With her whole
soul she turned from him to his brother; him she
admired, him she called a man and a prince : she
despised her sister because, having got a man for
a mate, she lacked a woman's daring. Their simi-
larity soon brought these two together, as is gener-
ally the case, for evil is strongly drawn to evil ; but
it was the woman who took the lead in all the
mischief. Having become addicted to clandestine
meetings with another's husband, she spared no terms
of insult when speaking of her own husband to his
brother, or of her sister to that sister's husband.
She urged that it would have been juster for her to
be unmarried and for him to lack a wife than for
them to be united to their inferiors and be com-
pelled to languish through the cowardice of others.
If the gods had given her the man she deserved she
would soon have seen in her own house the royal
power which she now saw in her father's. It was
not long before she had inspired the young man
with her own temerity, and, having made room in
their respective houses for a new marriage, by deaths
which followed closely upon one another, they were
joined together in nuptials which Servius rather
tolerated than approved.

XLVI I. From that moment the insecurity of the
aged Tullius and the menace to his authority in-
creased with each succeeding day. For the woman
was already looking forward from one crime to an-
other, nor wrould she allow her husband any rest by
night or day, lest the murders they had done before
should be without effect, She had not wanted a

163

LIVY

retur, nec cum quo tacita serviret ; defuisse qui se
regno dignum putaret, qui meminisset se esse Prisci
Tarquini filium, qui habere quam sperare regnum

3 mallet. "Si tu is es cui nuptam esse me arbitror,
et virum et regem appello ; sin minus, eo nunc peius
mutata res est quod istic cum ignavia est scelus.

4 Quin accingeris ? Non tibi ab Corintho nec ab Tar-
quiniis, ut patri tuo, peregrina regna moliri necesse
est : di te penates patriique et patris imago et
doinus regia et in domo regale solium et nomen

5 Tarquinium creat vocatque regem. Aut si ad haec
parum est animi, quid frustraris civitatem ? Quid te
ut regium iuvenem conspici sinis ? Facesse hinc
Tarquinios aut Corinthum, devolvere retro ad stir-

6 pern, fratris similior quam patris." His aliisque
increpando iuvenem instigate nec conquiescere ipsa
potest, si, cum Tanaquil peregrina mulier tantum
moliri potuisset animo ut duo continua regna viro ac
deinceps genero dedisset, ipsa regio semine orta
nullum momentum1 in dando adimendoque regno

7 faceret. His muliebribus instinctus furiis Tarquinius
circumire et prensare minorum maxime gentium
patres ; admonere paterni beneficii ac pro eo gratiam
repetere ; allicere donis iuvenes ; cum de se ingentia

1 momentum D-IPg-x momenraentum Z) : monumentum Ci.
164

BOOK I. xlvii. 2-7

man just to be called a wife, just to endure servi- b.c.
tude with him in silence ; she had wanted one who 578~5,
should deem himself worthy of the sovereignty,
who bethought him that he was the son of Tar-
quinius Priscus, who preferred the possession of the
kingship to the hope of it. " If you are he/'
she cried, "whom I thought I was marrying, I call
you both man and king ; if not, then I have so far
changed for the worse, in that crime is added, in
your case, to cowardice. Come, rouse yourself! You
are not come, like your father, from Corinth or Tar-
quinii, that you must make yourself king in a strange
land ; the gods of your family and your ancestors,
your father's image, the royal palace, with its throne,
and the name of Tarquinius create and proclaim you
king. Else, if you have no courage for this, why do
you cheat the citizens? why do you suffer yourself
to be looked on as a prince ? Away with you to Tar-
quinii or Corinth ! Sink back into the rank of your
family, more like your brother than your father ! "
With these and other taunts she excited the young
man's ambition. Nor could she herself submit with
patience to the thought that Tanaquil, a foreign
woman, had exerted her spirit to such purpose as
twice in succession to confer the royal power — upon
her husband first, and again upon her son-in-law —
if Tullia, the daughter of a king, were to count for
nothing in bestowing and withdrawing a throne.
Inspired by this woman's frenzy Tarquinius began
to go about and solicit support, especially among the
heads of the lesser families, whom he reminded of
his father's kindness to them, and desired their
favour in return ; the young men he attracted by
gifts ; both by the great things he promised to do

165

LIVY

pollicendo turn regis criminibus omnibus locis cres-

8 cere. Postremo., ut iam agendae rei tempus visum
est, stipatus agmine armatorum in forum inrupit.
Inde omnibus perculsis pavore in regia sede pro
curia sedens patres in curiam per praeconem ad

9 regem Tarquinium citari iussit. Convenere extemplo,
alii iam ante ad hoc praeparati, alii metu ne non
venisse fraudi esset, novitate ac miraculo attoniti et

10 iam de Servio actum rati. Ibi Tarquinius maledicta
ab stirpe ultima orsus : servum servaque natum post
mortem indignam parentis sui, non interregno, ut
antea^ inito, non comitiis habitis, non per suflFragium
populi, non auctoribus patribus, muliebri dono reg-

11 num occupasse. Ita natum, ita creatum regem, fau-
torem infimi generis hominum, ex quo ipse sit, odio
alienae honestatis ereptum primoribus agrum sordi-

12 dissimo cuique divisisse ; omnia onera quae commu-
nia quondam fuerint, inclinasse in primores civitatis ;
instituisse censum, ut insignis ad invidiam locuple-
tiorum fortuna esset, et parata unde, ubi 1 vellet,
egentissimis largiretur.

1 undo ubi M : ubi ft.

166

BOOK I. xi.vn. 7-12

himself, and by slandering the king as well, he every-
where strengthened his interest. At length, when
it seemed that the time for action was now come,
he surrounded himself with a body of armed men
and burst into the Forum. Then, amidst the general
consternation which ensued, he seated himself on the
throne in front of the Curia, and commanded, by the
mouth of a herald, that the senators should come to
King Tarquinius at the senate-house. They at once
assembled : some of them already prepared before-
hand, others afraid that they might be made to suffer
for it if they did not come ; for they were astounded
at this strange and wonderful sight, and supposed
that Servius was utterly undone. Tarquinius then
went back to the very beginning of Servius's family
and abused the king for a slave and a slave-woman's
son who, after the shameful death of his own father,
Tarquinius Priscus, had seized the power ; there had
been no observance of the interregnum, as on former
occasions ; there had been no election held ; not by
the votes of the people had sovereignty come to him,
not with the confirmation of the Fathers, but by a
woman's gift. Such having been his birth, and such
his appointment to the kingship, he had been an
abettor of the lowest class of society, to which he
himself belonged, and his hatred of the nobility
possessed by others had led him to plunder the
leading citizens of their land and divide it amongst
the dregs of the populace. All the burdens which
had before been borne in common he had laid upon
the nation's foremost men. He had instituted the
census that he might hold up to envy the fortunes of
the wealthy, and make them available, when he chose
to draw upon them, for largesses to the destitute.

167

LIVY

XLVIII. Huic orationi Servius cum intervenisset
trepido nuntio excitatus, extemplo a vestibulo curiae
magna voce s( Quid hoc/' inquit, "Tarquini, rei est?
Qua tu audacia me vivo vocare ausus es patres aut in

2 sede considere mea ? " Cum ille ferociter ad haec,
se patris sui tenere sedem, multo quam servum
potiorem filium regis regni heredem, satis ilium diu
per licentiam eludentem insultasse dominis, clamor
ab utriusque fautoribus oritur, et concursus populi
fiebat in curiam, apparebatque regnaturum qui vicis-

3 set. Turn Tarquinius necessitate iam etiam ipsa
cogente ultima audere, multo et aetate et viribus
validior, medium arripit Servium elatumque e curia
in inferiorem partem per gradus deiecit; inde ad

4 cogendum senatum in curiam rediit. Fit fuga regis
apparitorum atque comitum : ipse prope exsanguis
cum sine regio comitatu domum se reciperet ab iis,1
qui missi ab Tarquinio fugientem consecuti erant

5 interficitur. Creditur, quia non abhorret a cetero
seel ere, admonitu Tulliae id factum. Carpento certe,
id quod satis constat, in forum invecta, nec reverita
coetum virorum, evocavit virum e curia regemque

6 prima appellavit. A quo facessere iussa ex tanto
tumultu, cum se domum reciperet pervenissetque ad
summum Cyprium vicum, ubi Dianium nuper fuit,

1 cum sine regio comitatu domum se reciperet ab iis
Ahche/ski : cum semianimis (or -mes) regio comitatu domum
ee reciperet pervenissetque ad summum cos primum
vicum n.

168

BOOK I. xlviii. 1-6

XLVIII. In the midst of this harangue Servius, b.o.
who had been aroused by the alarming news, came 578"5,
up and immediately called out in a loud voice from
the vestibule of the Curia : " What means this, Tar-
quinius ? With what assurance have you dared, while
I live, to convene the Fathers or to sit in my chair?"
Tarquinius answered truculently that it was his own
father's seat he occupied ; that the king's son was a
fitter successor to his kingdom than a slave was ; that
Tullius had long enough been suffered to mock his
masters and insult them. Shouts arose from the
partisans of each, and the people began to rush into
the senate-house ; it was clear that he would be
king who won the day. Tarquinius was now com-
pelled by sheer necessity to go on boldly to the
end. Being much superior to Servius in youth and
strength, he seized him by the middle, and bearing
him out of the senate-house, flung him down the
steps. He then went back into the Curia to hold
the senate together. The king's servitors and com-
panions fled. The king himself, half fainting, was
making his way home without the royal attendants,
when the men whom Tarquinius had sent in pursuit
of the fugitive came up with him and killed him.
It is believed, inasmuch as it is not inconsistent with
the rest of her wickedness, that this deed was sug-
gested by Tullia. It is agreed, at all events, that
she was driven in her carriage into the Forum, and
nothing abashed at the crowd of men, summoned
her husband from the Curia and was the first to hail
him king. Tarquinius bade her withdraw from so
turbulent a scene. On her way home she had got
to the top of the Vicus Cyprius, where the shrine of
Diana recently stood, and was bidding her driver

169

LIVY

a.u.c. flectenti carpentum dextra in Urbium cJivum ut in
176 220 couem Esquiliarurn eveheretur, restitit pavidus atque
inhibuit frenos is qui iumenta agebat, iacentemque

7 dominae Servium trucidatum ostendit. Foedum
inhumanumque inde traditur scelus, monumentoque
locus est— Sceleratum vicum vocant — quo aniens
agitantibus furiis pororis ac viri, Tullia per patris
corpus carpentum egisse fertur, partemque sanguinis
ac caedis paternae cruento vehiculo, contaminata
ipsa respersaque, tulisse1 ad penatcs suos virique sui,
quibus iratis malo regni principio similes propediem
exitus sequerentur.

8 Ser. Tullius regnavit annos quattuor et quad-
raginta ita ut bono etiam moderatoque succedenti
regi ditficilis aemulatio esset. Ceterum id quoque
ad gloriam accessit quod cum illo simul iusta ac legi-

9 tima regna occiderunt. Id ipsum tarn mite ac tarn
moderatum imperium tamen, quia unius esset, depo-
nere eum in animo habuisse quidam auctores sunt,
ni scelus intestinum liberandae patriae consilia agi-
tanti2 intervenisset.

a.u.c. XLIX. Inde L. Tarquinius regnare occepit, cui

2-0--44 Superbo cognomen facta indiderunt, quia socerum
gener sepultura prohibuit, Romulum quoque inse-
2 pultum perisse dictitans, primoresque patrum, quos
Servi rebus favisse credebat, interfecit ; conscius
deinde male quaerendi regni ab se ipso adversus se
exemplum capi posse, armatis corpus circumsaepsit ;

1 tulisse nV : tulisset H.

2 agi tanti H$- : agitanci il/"? : agitandi fl.

170

BOOK I. XLVIII. 6-XLIX. 2

turn to the right into the Clivus Urbius, to take her
to the Esquiline Hill, when the man gave a start of
terror, and pulling up the reins pointed out to his
mistress the prostrate form of the murdered Servius.
Horrible and inhuman was the crime that is said to
have ensued, which the place commemorates — men
call it the Street of Crime — for there, crazed by the
avenging spirits of her sister and her former hus-
band, they say that Tullia drove her carriage over
her father's corpse, and, herself contaminated and
denied, carried away on her vehicle some of her
murdered father's blood to her own and her husband's
penates, whose anger was the cause that the evil be-
ginning of this reign was, at no long date, followed
by a similar end.

Servius Tullius had ruled forty-four years, so well
that even a good and moderate successor would have
found it hard to emulate him. But there was this
to enhance his renown, that just and lawful kingship
perished with him. Yet, mild and moderate though
his sway was, some writers state that he had intended
to resign it, as being a government by one man, had
not the crime of one of his family interrupted his
plans for the liberation of his country.

XLIX. Now began the reign of Lucius Tarquinius,
whose conduct procured him the surname of Superbus,
or the Proud. For he denied the rites of sepulture
to his own father-in-law, asserting that Romulus had
also perished without burial. He put to death the
leading senators,, whom he believed to have favoured
the cause of Servius and, conscious that a precedent
for gaining the kingship by crime might be found
in his own career and turned against himself, he

171

LIVY

a.v.c. 3 neque enim ad ius regni quicquam praeter vim
220-244 habebat, ut qui neque populi iussu neque auctoribus
i patribus regnaret. Eo accedebat ut in caritate
civium nihil spei reponenti metu regnum tutandum
esset. Quern ut pluribus incuteret, cognitiones capi-
talium rerum sine consiliis per se solus exercebat,

5 perque earn causam occidere, in exsilium agere, bonis
multare poterat non suspectos modo aut invisos sed

6 unde nihil aliud quam praedam sperare posset. Prae-
cipue ita patrum numero imminuto statuit nullos in
patres legere, quo contemptior paucitate ipsa ordo

7 essetj minusque per se nihil agi indignarentur. Hie
enim regum primus traditum 1 a prioribus morem de
omnibus senatum consulendi solvit, domesticis con-
siliis rem publicam administravit ; bellum, pacem,
foedera, societates per se ipse, cum quibus voluit,

8 iniussu populi ac senatus, fecit diremitque. Lati-
norum sibi maxim e gen tern conciliabat, ut peregrin is
quoque opibus tutior inter cives esset, neque hospitia
modo cum primoribus eorum, sed adfinitates quoque

9 iungebat. Octavio Mamilio Tusculano — is longe
princeps Latini nominis erat, si famae credimus, ab
Ulixe deaque Circa oriundus — ei Mamilio filiam nup-
tum dat perque eas nuptias multos sibi cognatos
amicosque eius conciliat.

1 traditum Grynams $- : ut traditur CI.

1 i.e. causes affecting the caput (which might mean either
" life "or t£ civic rights ") of the accused.

2 Circe bore to Ulysses a son, Telegonus, who founded
Tusculum.

172

BOOK I. xlix. 3-9

assumed a body-guard. He bad indeed 110 right to
the throne but might, since he was ruling neither
by popular decree nor senatorial sanction. More-
over, as he put no trust in the affection of his people,
he was compelled to safeguard his authority by
fear. To inspire terror therefore in many persons,
he adopted the practice of trying capital causes 1 by
himself, without advisers ; and, under the pretext
thus afforded, was able to inflict death, exile, and
forfeiture of property, not only upon persons whom
he suspected and disliked, but also in cases where he
could have nothing to gain but plunder. It was
chiefly the senators whose numbers were reduced
by this procedure, and Tarquinius determined to
make no new appointments to the order, that it
might be the more despised for its very paucity,
and might chafe less at being ignored in all business
of state. For this king was the first to break with
the custom handed down by his predecessors, of
consulting the senate on all occasions, and governed
the nation without other advice than that of his own
household. War, peace, treaties, and alliances were
entered upon or broken off by the monarch himself,
with whatever states he wished, and without the
decree of people or senate. The Latin race he
strove particularly to make his friends, that his
strength abroad might contribute to his security at
home. He contracted with their nobles not only
relations of hospitality but also matrimonial connec-
tions. To Octavius Mamilius of Tusculum, a man
by long odds the most important of the Latin name,
and descended, if we may believe report, from Ulysses
and the goddess Circe,2 he gave his daughter in
marriage, and in this way attached to himself the
numerous kinsmen and friends of the man.

173

LIVY

L. lam magna Tarquini auctoritas inter Latinorum
proceres erat, cum in diem certam ut ad lucum
Ferentinae conveniant indicit : esse quae agere de

2 rebus communibus velit. Conveniunt frequentes
prima luce : ipse Tarquinius diem quidem servavit,
sed paulo ante quam sol occideret venit. Multa ibi
toto die in concilio variis iactata sermonibus erant.

3 Turnus Herdonius ab Aricia ferociter in absentem
Tarquinium erat invectus : baud mirum esse Superbo
inditum Romae cognomen — iam enim ita clam qui-
dem mussitantes, volgo tamen eum appellabant.
An quicquam superbius esse quam ludificari sic orane

4 nomen Latinum ? Principibus longe 1 ab domo ex-
citis, ipsum qui concilium indixerit non adesse.
Temptari profecto patientiam ut, si iugum accepe-
rint, obnoxios premat. Cui enim non apparere ad-

5 fectare eum imperium in Latinos ? Quod si sui bene
crediderint cives, autsi creditum illud et non raptum
parricidio sit, credere et Latinos, quamquam ne sic

6 quidem alienigenae, debere2; sin suos eius paeniteat,
quippe qui alii super alios trucidentur, exsulatum
eant, bona amittant, quid spei melioris Latinis por-
tendi ? Si se audiant, domum suam quemque inde
abituros, neque magis observaturos diem concilii

7 quam ipse qui indixerit observet. Haec atque alia

1 Principibus (principibui 0) longe fi : principibus enim U :
longe M. 2 debere M : deberet (or -ent) fi.

174

BOOK I. l. 1-7

L. Tarquinius had already won great influence
with the Latin nobles, when he gave notice that
they should assemble on a certain day at the grove
of Ferentina, saying that there were matters of
common interest which he wished to discuss. The
Latins gathered at daybreak in large numbers ; Tar-
quinius himself, though he did indeed keep the day,
arrived but a little while before sundown. There
had been much talk in the council all day about
various subjects. Turnus Herdonius of Aricia had
inveighed violently against the absent Tarquinius.
He said it was no wonder he had been given the
name of Superbus at Rome — for that was the name
by which they already called him, secretly and in
whispers, but still quite generally ; — could anything
be more overbearing than to flout the whole Latin
race as he was doing then? Their leaders had been
summoned from distant homes, and the very man who
had called the council was not there. He was evi-
dently trying their patience, intending, if they sub-
mitted to the yoke, to use them as his vassals. For
who could fail to see that he was aiming at sovereignty
over the Latins? If his own people had done well
to intrust this to him, if indeed it had been intrusted
to him at all, and had not been ravished by foul
murder, then it was right that the Latins also should
intrust it to him — nay, not even then, for he was of
foreign birth ; but if his own subjects were weary ot
him, as men who, one after another, were being made
to suffer death, exile, confiscation, what better pros-
pect was held out to the Latins? If they were guided
by the speaker they would depart every man to his
own home, nor observe the day of meeting more than
he who had proclaimed it was observing it. As these

!75

LIVY

eodem pertinentia seditiosus facinerosusque homo
hisque artibus opes domi nactus cum maxime disse-

8 reret, intervenit Tarquinius. Is finis orationi fuit ;
aversi omnes ad Tarquinium salutandum. Qui silen-
tio facto monitus a proximis ut purgaret se, quod id
temporis venisset, disceptatorem ait se sumptum
inter patrem et filium, cura reconciliandi eos in gra-
tiam moratum esse, et quia ea res exemisset ilium

9 diem, postero die acturum quae constituisset. Ne
id qnidem ab Turno tulisse taciturn ferunt; dixisse
enim nullam breviorem esse cognitionem quam inter
patrem et filium, paucisque transigi verbis posse : ni
pareat patri, habiturum infortunium esse.

LI. Haec Aricinus in regem Romanum increpans
ex concilio abiit. Quam rem Tarquinius aliquanto
quam videbatur aegrius ferens confestim Turno ne-
cem machinatur, ut eundem terrorem quo civium

2 animos domi oppresserat Latinis iniceret. Et quia
pro imperio palam interfici non poterat, oblato falso
crimine insontem oppressit. Per adversae factionis
quosdam Aricinos servum Turni auro corrupit, ut in1
deversorium eius vim magnam gladiorum inferri clam

3 sineret. Ea cum una nocte perfecta essent, Tar-
quinius paulo ante lucem accitis ad se principibus

1 ut in MR1 Aid. : in (ten 0) fl.

176

BOOK I. l. 7-L1. 3

words and others of the same import were being
uttered by the factious and turbulent Latin, who
owed to these qualities his influence amongst his own
people, Tarquinius came up. This was the end of
the speech ; all turned to salute Tarquinius. Silence
was commanded, and the king, being advised by
those nearest him to excuse himself for having come
so late, declared that he had been chosen arbiter
between a father and his son, and had been delayed
by his anxiety to reconcile them. He added that
since this business had used up that day, he would
take up on the morrow the matters which he had
meant to bring before them. They say that Turnus
would not suffer even this to go unchallenged, as-
serting that there was no question more quickly
settled than one betwixt father and son, for these
few words were enough to end it : " Unless you
obey your father it will be the worse for you."

LI. Girding thus against the Roman king, the
Arician quitted the council. Tarquinius was con-
siderably more vexed than he appeared to be, and
at once looked about him for the means of destroying
Turnus, that he might inspire in the Latins the same
terror with which he had broken the spirit of the
Romans. And since he could not openly put his man
to death by virtue of sovereign right, he charged
him with a crime of which he was innocent, and so
destroyed him. Through the agency of certain men
of the opposite party in Aricia, he bribed a slave of
Turnus with gold to allow a large quantity of swords
to be brought secretly into his master's lodging.
Having accomplished this in a single night, Tar-
quinius, shortly before dawn, summoned the chief
men of the Latins to his quarters, pretending to

77

LIVY

Latinorum quasi re nova perturbatus, moram suam
hesternam, velut deorum quadam providentia inla-

4 tam, ait saluti sibi atque illis fuisse. Ab Turno dici
sibi et primoribus populorum parari necem ut Lati-
norum solus imperium teneat. Adgressurum fuisse
hesterno die in concilio ; dilatam rem esse, quod

5 auctor concilii afuerit, quern maxime peteret. Inde
illam absentis insectationem esse natam, quod mo-
rando spem destituerit. Non dubitare, si vera defe-
rantur, quin prima luce, ubi ventum in concilium
sit, instructus cum coniuratorum manu armatusque

6 venturns sit. Dici gladiorum ingentem esse nume-
rum ad eum convectum. Id vanum 1 necne sit ex-
templo sciri posse. Rogare eos ut inde secum ad

7 Turnum veniant. Suspectam fecit rem et ingenium
Turni ferox et oratio hesterna et mora Tarquini,
quod videbatur ob earn differri caedes potuisse. Eunt
inclinatis quidem ad credendum animis, tamen nisi

8 gladiis deprehensis cetera vana existimaturi. Ubi
est eo ventum, Turnum ex somno excitatum circum-
sistunt custodes ; comprehensisque servis, qui caritate
domini vim parabant, cum gladii abditi ex omnibus
locis deverticuli protraherentur, enimvero manifesta

1 vanum a : uarum R : uernm R*L.

178

BOOK I. li. 3-8

have received alarming news, and informed them
that his tardiness on the preceding day, as though
somehow providentially occasioned, had been the
means of saving himself and them. For he was
told that Turnus was plotting his murder and that
of the chief men of the different cities, that he might
be sole ruler over the Latins. He would have at-
tacked them the day before in the council, but had
postponed the attempt because the summoner of the
council, whom he chiefly aimed at, was not there.
That was the reason Turnus had railed at him in his
absence, for his delay had balked the Adrian's ex-
pectation. Tarquinius said that he had no doubt, if
his information was true, that Turnus would come at
dawn, when they had assembled in the council, and
would be armed and attended by a band of conspi-
rators. It was said that a great quantity of swords
had been carried to his lodging; the falsity or truth
of this could be ascertained immediately, and he
asked them to go with him to Turnus's quarters.
The charge was made plausible both by the aggres-
sive spirit of Turnus and his speech of the day
before, and by Tarquinius's delay, since it seemed
that the massacre might have been postponed on
that account. The nobles went therefore with a dis-
position to believe the story, but still, if the swords
should not be found, they wTere prepared to conclude
the other charges false. As soon as they reached the
place they wakened Turnus from his sleep and sur-
rounded him with guards ; and having overpowered
the slaves, who out of affection for their master
would have resorted to force, they proceeded to
pull out the hidden swords from every corner of
the inn. There was now no doubt that Turnus was

179

LIVY

res visa, iniectaeque Turno catenae ; et confestim
Latinorum concilium magno cum tumultu advocatur.
9 Ibi tarn atrox invidia orta est gladiis in medio
positis ut indicta causa, novo genere leti, deiectus
ad caput aquae Ferentinae crate superne iniecta
saxisque congestis mergeretur.

LII. Revocatis deinde ad concilium Latinis Tar-
quinius conlaudatisque qui Turnum novantem res
pro manifesto parricidio merita poena adfecissent,

2 ita verba fecit : posse quidem se vetusto iure
agere, quod, cum omnes Latini ab Alba oriundi
sint, eo foedere 1 teneantur quo 2 ab Tullo res omnis
Albana cum coloniis3 suis in Romanum cesserit

3 imperium ; ceterum se utilitatis id magis omnium
causa censere ut renovetur id foedus, secundaque
potius fortuna populi Romani ut participes Latini
fruantur quam urbium excidia vastationesque agro-
rum, quas Anco prius, patre deinde suo regnante
perpessi sint, semper aut exspectent aut patiantur.

4 Hand difficulter persuasum Latinis, quamquam in eo
foedere superior Romana res erat ; ceterum et capita
nominis Latini stare ac sentire cum rege videbant, et
sui 4 cuique periculi, si adversatus esset, recens erat

5 documentum. Ita renovatum foedus indictumque

1 eo foedere Pcrizoniua : in eo foedere fl.

2 quo : quod H. 8 coloniis $- : colonis n.
4 sui M : Turnus sui fl.

1 In the account of this treaty at xxiv. 3 no Alban
colonies are mentioned, nor do we know of any. Conway
and Walters, therefore, keep colonis of the MSS., but we
should rather expect civibus in this context.

180

BOOK I. li. 8-lii. 5

caught in the act, and he was cast into chains, while b.c.
the summons was instantly sent out, amidst intense 534-5
excitement, for a council of the Latins. There such
bitter resentment was aroused by the public display
of the swords, that the accused was not permitted
to plead his cause, but suffered a new kind of death,
being plunged into the source of the Ferentine Water
and sunk beneath a wicker crate heaped up with
stones.

LII. Tarquinius then called the Latins again
to the place of council, and praised them for the
punishment which they had justly meted out to the
rebellious attempt of Turnus, in view of the treason
in which he had just been taken. The king then
went on to say that it was in his power to proceed
according to an ancient right, since all the Latins,
having sprung from Alba, were included in that
treaty by which, from the time of Tullus, the whole
Alban state, with its colonies, had come under Rome's
dominion.1 But the advantage of all would be better
served, he thought, if that treaty were renewed and
the good fortune of the Roman people were thrown
open to the participation of the Latins, than if they
were always to be dreading or enduring the razing
of their cities and the devastation of their lands
which they had suffered first in Ancus's reign and
afterward in that of the speaker's father. It was
not difficult to persuade the Latins, although the
Roman interest preponderated in this treaty. For
the rest, they saw that the chiefs of the Latin name
stood with the king and took his view of the matter,
and they had just been given a demonstration of the
danger they would each incur if they opposed the
project. So the treaty was renewed, and the Latin

181

LIVY

iunioribus Latinorum ut ex foedere die certa ad
6 lucum Ferentinae armati frequentes adessent. Qui
ubi ad edictum Romani regis ex omnibus populis
convenere, ne ducem suum neve secretum imperium
propriave signa haberent, miscuit manipulos ex
Latinis Romanisque ut ex binis singulos faceret
binosque ex singulis ; ita geminatis manipulis cen-
turiones imposuit.

LIII. Nec ut iniustus in pace rex, ita dux belli
pravus fuit ; quin ea arte aequasset superiores reges,
ni degeneratum in aliis huic quoque decori offecisset.

2 Is primus Volscis bellum in ducentos amplius post
suam aetatem annos movit. Suessamque Pometiam

3 ex iis vi cepit. Ubi cum divendita1 praeda quad-
raginta talenta argenti refecisset,2 concepit animo
earn amplitudinem Iovis templi quae digna deum
hominumque rege, quae Romano imperio, quae ipsius
etiam loci maiestate esset. Captivam pecuniam in
aedificationem eius templi seposuit.

4 Excepit deinde eum 3 lentius spe bellum, quo
Gabios, propinquam urbem, nequiquam vi adortus,
cum obsidendi quoque urbem spes pulso a moenibus
adempta esset, postremo minime arte Romana, fraude

1 divendita $- : dividenta M : dividenda fl.

a refecisset Gronov. P1 or P2 marg.: refecisset coepisset
(or r. ac recepisset) MRDL: reque cepisset (or reccepisset
or cepisset) n. 3 deinde eum H : deinde M.

1 A Roman maniple was divided into halves, and each
half was combined with the half of a Latin maniple, similarly
divided, to form a new unit. The maniples were not,
strictly speaking, doubled.

182

BOOK I. lii. 5-Liii. 4

juniors were commanded to present themselves at b.c.
the grove of Ferentina on a certain day, armed and 534-5
in full force, as the treaty prescribed. When they
had assembled, agreeably to the king's edict, from
the different districts, Tarquinius was unwilling that
they should have their own leaders, or a separate
command, or their own standards ; he therefore
mingled Latins and Romans in the maniples, making
one maniple of two and two of one, and over the
maniples thus doubled he put centurions.1

LI II. But if the king was unjust in peace, yet he
was not a bad general in war. Indeed, he would have
equalled in this art the kings who had gone before
him, if his degeneracy in other things had not also
dimmed his glory here. It was he who began the
war with the Volsci which was to last more than two
hundred years after his time, and took Suessa Po-
metia from them by storm. There, having sold oft
the booty and raised forty talents of silver,2 he con-
ceived the project of a temple of Jupiter so magnifi-
cent that it should be worthy of the king of gods
and men, the Roman empire, and the majesty of the
site itself. The money from the captured city he
put aside to build this temple.

He then engaged in an unexpectedly tedious war
with Gabii, a neighbouring town. After first as-
saulting the place in vain, he laid siege to it, but
this attempt was as unsuccessful as the other, for
he was driven off from the walls ; and he finally
resorted to the policy, so unlike a Roman, of deceit

2 As Livy gives the sum in talents, it has been suggested
that he may here be following Fabius Pictor, whose history
was written in Greek. The Euboic talent was worth roughly
£220 or $1,060.

I83

LIVY

5 ac dolo_, adgressus est. Nam cum velut posito bello
fundamentis templi iaciendis 1 aliisque urbanis operi-
bus intentum se esse simularet, Sextus films eius,
qui minimus ex tribus erat, transfugit ex composito
Gabios, patris in se saevitiam intolerabilem conque-

6 rens : iam ab alienis in suos vertisse superbiam, et
liberorum quoque eum frequentiae taedere, ut quam
in curia solitudinem fecerit domi quoque faciat, ne
quam stirpem, ne quem heredem regni relinquat.

7 Se quidem inter tela et gladios patris elapsum nihil
usquam sibi tutum nisi apud hostes L. Tarquini
credidisse. Nam ne errarent, manere iis bellum quod
positum simuletur, et per occasionem eum incautos

8 invasurum. Quod si apud eos supplicibus locus non
sit, pererraturum se orane Latium, Volscosque inde 2
et Aequos et Hernicos petiturum, donee ad eos per-
veniat qui a patrum crudelibus atque impiis suppli-

9 ciis tegere liberos sciant. Forsitan etiam ardoris
aliquid ad bellum armaque se adversus superbissi-
mum regem ac ferocissimum populum inventurum.

10 Cum, si nihil morarentur, infensus ira porro inde
abiturus videretur, benigne ab Gabinis excipitur.
Vetant mirari si, qualis in cives, qualis in socios,

11 talis ad ultimum in liberos esset; in se ipsum post-

1 iaciendis Vacosanus : faciendis XI.

2 inde Gronov. ; se inde XI.

184

BOOK I. Li". 4-i i

and trickery. For he pretended to have given up
the war and to be engros?ed in laymg the founda-
tions of his temple and in c)ther city works, arranging
meanwhile to let Sextus, wP° was the youngest of his
three sons, desert to Gabii? and there complain that
his father was intolerably cruel to him. His father's
pride, he said, was now diverted from strangers
upon his own family. Even his children were too
many to please him, and tne solitude which he had
caused in the senate-housfi ne wished to bring to
pass in his own home also, that he might leave no
descendant, no heir to his kingdom. The young
man said that he had him?elf escaped from amidst
the swords and javelins of flis father, and had made
up his mind that there was no safety for him any-
where save with the enemies of Lucius Tarquinius.
Let them not delude then^e1^ he said ; the war
which the king pretended to have abandoned was
still awaiting them, and tfhen the chance offered
he would attack them unbares. But if they had
no room for suppliants, he was prepared to wander
all over Latium, and thenc£ seek out the Volsci and
the Aequi and the Herni^ till at last he should
come to people who knew how to protect a son
from the cruel and wicked tortures inflicted on him
by a father. Possibly he n^ght even discover some
enthusiasm for war and arnls against the haughtiest
of kings and the most insPlent of nations. When
it appeared that if they were indifferent he would
leave them in anger and continue his flight, the
Gabini bade him welcome. Tney told him not to
be surprised if the king had been the same to his
children that he had beer1 to his subjects, to his
allies; he would end by Venting his cruelty upon

iS5

LIVY

remo saeviturunr, si alia desint. Sibi vero gratum
adventum eius esse, futurumque credere brevi ut
illo adiuvante a portis Gabinis sub Romana moenia
bellum transferatur.

LIV. Inde in consilia publica adhiberi. Ubi
cum de aliis rebus adsentiri se veteribus Gabinis
diceret, quibus eae notiores essent, ipse identidem
belli auctor esse et in 1 eo sibi praecipuam pru-
dentiam adsumere, quod utriusque populi vires
nosset sciretque invisam pro fee to superbiam regiam
civibus esse, quam ferre ne liberi quidem potuis-

2 sent. Ita cum sensim ad rebellandum primores
Gabinorum incitaret, ipse cum promptissimis iuve-
num praedatum atque in expeditiones iret, et dictis
factisque omnibus ad fallendum instructis vana ad-

3 cresceret fides, dux ad ultimum belli legitur. Ibi
cum inscia multitudine quid ageretur proelia parva
inter Romam Gabiosque fierent, quibus plerumque
Gabina res superior esset, turn certatim summi infi-
mique Gabinorum Sex. Tarquinium dono deum sibi

4 missum ducem credere. Apud milites vero obeundo
pericula ac labores pariter, praedam munifice largi-
endo, tanta caritate esse ut non pater Tarquinius

esse et in AlschefsH : esset in Cl.

186

BOOK I, liii. ii-liv. 4

himself if other objects failed him. Bat for their
own part, they said, they were glad of his coming,
and they believed that in a short time, with his
help, the seat of war would be shifted from the
gates of Gabii to the walls of Rome.

LIV. Sextus next obtained admission to the
Gabian councils of state, where, on all subjects
but one, he professed a deference for the opinion
of those who had long been citizens of Gabii and
were better acquainted with the facts. War, how-
ever, he did take it upon himself to urge, again
and again ; and in so doing he assumed a special
competence, as one who was acquainted with the
strength of both nations, and knew that the king's
pride must necessarily be hateful to all the citi-
zens, since even his children had not been able
to put up with it. In this way, little by little,
he stirred up the leaders of the Gabini to reopen
the war. He would himself take the boldest of
the young men and go upon raids and forays.
All his words and acts were calculated to deceive,
and their ill-grounded confidence so increased
that in the end he was chosen commander-in-chief.
The war began, and the people had no suspicion
of what was going forward. Skirmishes took place
between Rome and Gabii, in which, as a rule,
the Gabini had the best of it. Thereupon their
citizens, both high and low, contended who should
be loudest in expressing the belief that in Sextus
Tarquinius they had a heaven-sent leader. And the
soldiers, seeing him ever ready to share in their
dangers and hardships, and ever lavish in distri-
buting the plunder, came to love him so devotedly
that the elder Tarquinius was not more truly master

i87

LIVY

a.u.c. 6 potentior Romae quam filius Gabiis esset. Itaque

20-244

postquam satis virium conlectum ad omnes conatus
videbat, turn ex suis unum sciscitatum Komam ad
patrem mittit quidnam se facere vellet, quandoqui-
dem ut omnia unus publice Gabiis1 posset ei di

6 dedissent. Huic nuntio quia, credo, dubiae fidei
videbatur, nihil voce responsum est; rex velut deli-
berabundus in hortum aedium transit sequente nun-
tio filii ; ibi inambulans tacitus summa papaverum

7 capita dicitur baculo decussisse. Interrogando ex-
spectandoque responsum nuntius fessus, ut re imper-
fecta, redit Gabios ; quae dixerit ipse quaeque viderit
refert : seu ira, seu odio, seu superbia insita ingenio

8 nullam eum vocem emisisse. Sexto ubi quid vellet
parens quidve praeciperet tacitis ambagibus patuit,
primores civitatis criminando alios apud populum,

9 alios sua ipsos invidia opportunos interemit. Multi
palam, quidam, in quibus minus speciosa criminatio
erat futura, clam interfecti. Patuit quibusdam volen-
tibus fuga, aut in exsilium acti sunt, absentiumque

10 bona iuxta atque interemptorum divisui fuere. Lar-
gitiones inde praedaeque ; et dulcedine privati corn-
modi sensus malorum publicorum adimi, donee orba
consilio auxilioque Gabina res regi Romano sine ulla
dimicatione in manum traditur.

1 publice Gabiis Heerwagtn : P (or p or prae) Gabiis Cl :
p. Gabinis PBFO : populis Gabinis facere U»

1 88

BOOK I. liv. 4-10

in Rome than was his son in Gabii. And so, when
Sextus saw that he had acquired strength enough
for any enterprise, he despatched one of his own
followers to his father in Rome, to ask what the
king might please to have him do, since the gods
had granted that at Gabii all power in the state
should rest with him alone. To this messenger, I
suppose because he seemed not quite to be trusted,
no verbal reply was given. The king, as if absorbed
in meditation, passed into the garden of his house,
followed by his son's envoy. There, walking up and
down without a word, he is said to have struck off
the heads of the tallest poppies with his stick. Tired
of asking questions and waiting for an answer, the
messenger returned to Gabii, his mission, as he
thought, unaccomplished. He reported what he had
said himself and what he had seen. Whether from
anger, or hatred, or native pride, the king, he said,
had not pronounced a single word. As soon as it
was clear to Sextus what his father meant and what
was the purport of his silent hints, he rid himself of
the chief men of the state. Some he accused before
the people ; against others he took advantage of the
odium they had themselves incurred. Many were
openly executed ; some, whom it would not have
looked well to accuse, were put to death in secret.
Some were permitted, if they chose, to leave the
country ; or they were driven into banishment, and
once out of the way, their property was forfeited,
just as in the case of those who had been put to
death. Thence came largesses and spoils, and in
the sweetness of private gain men lost their feeling
for the wrongs of the nation, until, deprived of
counsel and aid, the state of Gabii was handed over
unresisting to the Roman king.

189

VOL. I. H

LIVY

a.u.c. LV. Gabiis receptis Tarquinius pacem cum Aequo-

220-244 ill J

rum gente fecit, foedus cum Tuscis renovavit. Inde
ad negotia urbana animum convertit ; quorum erat
primum ut Iovis templum in monte Tarpeio monu-
mentum regni sui nominisque relinqueret: Tarquinios

2 reges ambos patrem vovisse, filium perfecisse. Et ut
libera a ceteris religionibus area esset tota Iovis tem-
plique eius quod inaedificaretur, exaugurare fana
sacellaque statuit, quae aliquot ibi, a Tatio rege
primum in ipso discrimine adversus Romulum pugnae

3 vota, consecrata inaugurataque postea fuerant. Inter
principia condendi huius operis movisse numen ad
indicandam tanti imperii molem traditur deos. Nam
cum omnium sacellorum exaugurationes admitterent

4 aves, in Termini fano non addixere ; idque omen
auguriumque ita acceptum est, non motam Termini
sedem unumque eum deorum non evocatum sacratis

6 sibi finibus firma stabiliaque cuncta portendere. Hoc
perpetuitatis auspicio accepto secutum aliud magni-
tudinem imperii portendens prodigium est : caput
humanum integra facie aperientibus fundamenta

6 templi dicitur apparuisse. Quae visa species baud
per ambages arcem earn imperii caputque rerum fore
portendebat, idque ita cecinere vates, quique in urbe

1 i.e. the Capitoline. So Propertius calls the Capitoline
Jupiter "Tarpeius Pater" (iv. i. 7).

190

BOOK I. lv. 1-6

LV. Having got possession of Gabii, Tarquinius
made peace with the Aequian nation and renewed
the treaty with the Etruscans. He next turned his
attention to affairs in the city. Here his first concern
was to build a temple of Jupiter on the Tarpeian
Mount 1 to stand as a memorial of his reign and of
his name, testifying that of the two Tarquinii, both
kings, the father had made the vow and the son had
fulfilled it. And that the site might be free from all
other religious claims and belong wholly to Jupiter
and his temple, which was building there, he deter-
mined to annul the consecration of several fanes and
shrines which had been first vowed by King Tatius
at the crisis of the battle against Romulus, and had
afterwards been consecrated and inaugurated. At
the very time when he began this task the gods are
said to have exerted their power to show the magni-
tude of this mighty empire. For whereas the birds
permitted that the consecrations of all the other
shrines should be rescinded, they refused their con-
sent for the shrine of Terminus. This omen and
augury was thus construed : the fact that the seat of
Terminus was not moved, and that of all the gods
he alone was not called away from the place conse-
crated to him, meant that the whole kingdom would
be firm and steadfast. When this auspice of perma-
nence had been received, there followed another
prodigy foretelling the grandeur of their empire.
A human head, its features intact, was found, so it is
said, by the men who were digging for the founda-
tions of the temple. This appearance plainly fore-
showed that here was to be the citadel of the empire
and the head of the world, and such was the inter-
pretation of the soothsayers, both those who were in

LIVY

A.u.o. erant quosque ad earn rem consultandam ex Etruna

7 acciverant. Augebatur ad impensas regis animus.
Itaque Pometinae 1 manubiae, quae perducendo ad
culmen operi destinatae erant, vix in fundamenta

8 suppeditavere. Eo magis Fabio, praeterquam quod
antiquior est, crediderim quadraginta ea sola talenta

9 fuisse, quam Pisoni, qui quadraginta milia pondo
argenti seposita in earn rem scribit, summam 2 pecu-
niae neque ex unius turn urbis praeda sperandam et
nullius ne horum quidem 3 operum fundamenta non
exsuperaturam.

LVI. Intentus perficiendo templo fabris undique
ex Etruria accitis non pecunia solum ad id publica
est usus, sed operis etiam ex plebe. Qui cum
haud parvus et ipse militiae adderetur labor, minus
tamen plebs gravabatur se templa deum exaedi-

2 ficare manibus suis quam4 postquam et ad alia ut
specie minora, sic laboris aliquanto maioris tradu-
cebantur opera, foros in circo faciendos cloacamque
maximam, receptaculum omnium purgamentorum
urbis, sub terra agendam ; quibus duobus operibus
vix nova haec magnificentia quicquam adaequare

3 potuit. His laboribus exercita plebe, quia et urbi
multitudinem, ubi usus non esset, oneri rebatur esse,
et colonis mittendis occupari latius imperii fines vole-

1 Pometinae DzSabellicus (cf. liii. 2) : Pomptinae (or Ppomp-
tinae or Pontinae) CI.

2 summam Glareanus : quia summam CI : quippe summam
Bekker.

3 After quidem CI have magnificentiae (-a AT), which Frigell
expelled as a gloss from lvi. 2.

4 quam Bekker : quae (quern 0 : que D) CI.
192

BOOK I. lv. 6-lvi. 3

the City and those who were called in from Etruria
to consider the matter. This made the king all the
more ready to spend money on the work. Hence
the Pometian spoils, which had been destined to
carry the building up to the roof, barely sufficed for
the foundations. This disposes me to believe the
statement of Fabius (who is, besides, the earlier
writer) that the spoils were only forty talents, rather
than Piso's, who writes that forty thousand pounds
of silver were put aside for this work. So great a
sum of money could not be expected from the booty
of a single city of that time, and there is no building,
even among those of our own day, for the founda-
tions of which it would not be more than enough,

LVI. Being intent upon completing the temple, the
king called in workmen from every quarter of Etruria,
and used for this purpose not only the state funds
but labourers drawn from the commons. This work
was far from light in itself, and was added to their
military service. Yet the plebeians felt less abused
at having to build with their own hands the temples
of the gods, than they did when they came to be
transferred to other tasks also, which, while less in
show, were yet rather more laborious. I mean the
erection of seats in the circus, and the construction
underground of the Great Sewer, as a receptacle for
all the offscourings of the City, — two works for which
the new splendour of these days has scarcely been
able to produce a match. After making the plebeians
toil at these hard tasks, the king felt that a populace
which had now no work to do was only a burden
to the City ; he wished, moreover, by sending out
settlers, to extend the frontiers of his dominions.

*93

LIVY

a.o.c. bat, Signiam Circeiosque colonos misit, praesidia
urbi futura terra marique.

4 Haec agenti portentum terribile visum : anguis ex
columna lignea elapsus cum terrorem fugamque in
regia1 fecisset, ipsius regis non tarn subito pavore

5 perculit pectus, quam anxiis implevit curis. Itaque
cum ad publica prodigia Etrusci tantum vates adhi-
berentur, hoc velut domestico exterritus visu Del-
phos ad maxime inclitum in terris oraculum mittere

C statuit ; neque responsa sortium ulli alii committere
ausus duos filios per ignotas ea tempestate terras,

7 ignotiora maria in Graeciam misit. Titus et Arruns
profecti. Comes iis additus L. Iunius Brutus Tar-
quinia sorore regis natus, iuvenis longe alius ingenii,2
quam cuius simulationem induerat. Is cum primores
civitatis, in quibus fratrem suum, ab avunculo inter-
fectum audisset, neque in animo suo quicquam regi
timendum neque in fortuna concupiscendum relin-
quere statuit, contemptuque tutus esse ubi in iure

8 parum praesidii esset. Ergo ex industria factus ad
imitationem stultitiae, cum se suaque praedae esse
regi sineret, Bruti quoque haud abnuit cognomen, ut
sub eius obtentu cognominis liberator ille populi

9 Romani animus latens opperiretur tempora sua. Is
turn 3 ab Tarquiniis ductus Delphos, ludibrium verius
quam comes, aureum baculum inclusum corneo cavato

1 regia Bauer D ? : regiam n.

3 ingenii Madvig : ingenio Cl. 8 turn D$- : cum n.

194

1 Literally "Dullard."

BOOK 1. lvi. 3-9

He therefore sent colonists to Signia and Circei, to
safeguard the City by land and sea.

While he was thus occupied, a terrible portent
appeared. A snake glided out of a wooden pillar,
causing fright and commotion in the palace. As for
the king himself, his heart was not so much struck
with sudden terror as filled with anxious forebodings.
Now for public prodigies none but Etruscan sooth-
sayers were wont to be employed, but this domestic
apparition, as he regarded it, so thoroughly alarmed
him that he determined to send to Delphi, the most
famous oracle in the world ; and, not daring to trust
the oracle's reply to anybody else, he sent two of his
sons, through strange lands, as they were then, and
over stranger seas, to Greece. Titus and Arruns were
the ones who went ; and, to bear them company,
Lucius Junius Brutus was sent too, the son of
Tarquinia, sister of the king, a young man of a very
different mind from that which he pretended to bear.
Having heard that the leading men of the state, and
among them his own brother, had been put to death
by his uncle, he determined to leave nothing in his
disposition which the king might justly fear, nor
anything in his fortune to covet, resolving to find
safety in contempt, where justice afforded no
protection. He therefore deliberately assumed the
appearance of stupidity, and permitted himself and
his property to become the spoil of the king; he
even accepted the surname Brutus,1 that behind the
screen afforded by this title the great soul which was
to free the Roman People might bide its time unseen.
He it was who was then taken by the Tarquinii to
Delphi, more as a butt than as a comrade ; and he is
said to have carried a golden staff inclosed within one

195

UVY

a.u.c. ad id baculo tulisse donum Apollini dicitur, per am-

220-244 r r

10 bages effigiem ingenii sui. Quo postquam vrentum
est, perfectis patris mandatis cupido incessit animos
iuvenum sciscitandi, ad quern eorum regnum Ro-
manum esset venturum. Ex infimo specu vocem
redditam ferunt, " Imperium summum Romae habe-
bit, qui vestrum primus, o iuvenes, osculum matri

11 tulerit." Tarquinii, ut1 Sextus, qui Romae relictus
fuerat, ignarus responsi expersque imperii esset, rem
summa ope taceri iubent ; ipsi inter se uter prior,
cum Romam redisset, matri osculum daret, sorti per-

12 mittunt. Brutus alio ratus spectare Pythicam vocem
velut si prolapsus cecidisset terram osculo contigit,
scilicet quod ea communis mater omnium mortalium

13 esset. Reditum inde Romam, ubi adversus Rutulos
bellum summa vi parabatur.

LVII. Ardeam Rutuli habebant, gens ut in ea
regione atque in ea aetate divitiis praepollens. Ea-
que ipsa causa belli fuit, quod rex Romanus cum ipse
ditari, exhaustus magnificentia publicorum operum,

2 turn praeda delenire popularium animos studebat,
praeter aliam superbiam regno infcstos etiam quod
se in fabrorum ministeriis ac servili tarn diu habitos

3 opere ab rege indignabantur. Temptata res est si
primo impetu capi Ardea posset. Ubi id parum pro-

1 Tarquinii, ut $- : Tarquinius XI : Tarquinius SEX 0,
196

BOOK I. lvi. 9-lvii. 3

of cornel wood, hollowed out to receive it, as a gift
to Apollo, and a roundabout indication of his own
character. When they came there, and had carried
out their father's instructions, a desire sprang up in
the hearts of the youths to find out which one of
them should be king at Rome. From the depths of
the cavern this answer, they say, was returned : " The
highest power at Rome shall be his, young men, who
shall be first among you to kiss his mother." The
Tarquinii, anxious that Sextus, who had been left in
Rome, might know nothing of the answer and have
no share in the rule, gave orders that the incident
should be kept strictly secret ; as between themselves,
they decided by lot which should be first, upon their
return to Rome, to give their mother a kiss. Brutus
thought the Pythian utterance had another meaning ;
pretending to stumble, he fell and touched his lips to
Earth, evidently regarding her as the common mother
of all mortals. They then returned to Rome, where
preparations for war with the Rutuli were being
pushed with the greatest vigour.

LVI I. Ardea belonged to the Rutuli, who were a
nation of commanding wealth, for that place and
period. This very fact was the cause of the war, since
the Roman king was eager not only to enrich him-
self, impoverished as he was by the splendour of his
public works, but also to appease with booty the feel-
ing of the common people ; who, besides the enmity
they bore the monarch for other acts of pride, were
especially resentful that the king should have kept
them employed so long as artisans and doing the work
of slaves. An attempt was made to capture Ardea by
assault. Having failed in this, the Romans invested

197

LIVY

cessit, obsidione munitionibusque coepti premi hostes.

4 In his stativis., ut fit longo raagis quam acri bello,
satis liberi comraeatus erant, primoribus tamen magis

5 quam militibus ; regii quidem iuvenes interdum
otium conviviis comisationibusque inter se terebant.

6 Forte potantibus his apud Sex. Tarquinium, ubi et
Collatinus cenabat Tarquinius Egerii filius, incidit de
uxoribus mentio ; suam quisque laudare miris modis.

7 Inde certamine accenso Collatinus negat verbis opus
esse, paucis id quidem horis posse sciri, quantum
ceteris praestet Lucretia sua. " Quin, si vigor iuven-
tae inest, conscendimus equos invisimusque prae-
sentes nostrarum ingenia ? Id cuique spectatissimum
sit quod necopinato 1 viri adventu occurrerit oculis."

8 Incaluerant vino; "Age sane!" omnes ; citatis
equis avolant Romam. Quo cum primis se inten-

9 dentibus tenebris pervenissent, pergunt inde Colla-
tiam, ubi Lucretiam haudquaquam ut regias nurus,
quas in convivio luxuque cum aequalibus viderant
tempus terentes, sed nocte sera deditam lanae inter
lucubrantes ancillas in medio aedium sedentem in-
veniunt. Muliebris certaminis laus penes Lucretiam

10 fuit. Adveniens vir Tarquiniique excepti benigne ;
victor maritus comiter invitat regios iuvenes. Ibi

1 necopinato i?V : necinopinato (nec inopinato P) n : in
necopinato Heerwagen.

1 A similar scene is imagined by Tibullus, I. iii. 83 ff.
(p. 211 of the volume in this series).

198

BOOK I. lvii. 3-10

the place with intrenchments, and began to beleaguer
the enemy. Here in their permanent camp, as is
usual with a war not sharp but long drawn out, furlough
was rather freely granted, more freely however to
the leaders than to the soldiers ; the young princes
for their part passed their idle hours together at
dinners and drinking bouts. It chanced, as they
were drinking in the quarters of Sextus Tarquinius,
where Tarquinius Collatinus, son of Egerius, was also
a guest, that the subject of wives came up. Every
man fell to praising his own wife with enthusiasm,
and, as their rivalry grew hot, Collatinus said that
there was no need to talk about it, for it was in their
power to know, in a few hours' time, how far the rest
were excelled by his own Lucretia. " Come ! If the
vigour of youth is in us let us mount our horses and
see for ourselves the disposition of our wives. Let
every man regard as the surest test what meets his
eyes when the woman's husband enters unexpected."
They were heated with wine. "Agreed !" they all
cried, and clapping spurs to their horses were off for
Rome. Arriving there at early dusk, they thence
proceeded to Collatia, where Lucretia was discovered
very differently employed from the daughters-in-law
of the king. These they had seen at a luxurious
banquet, whiling away the time with their young
friends ; but Lucretia, though it was late at night,
was busily engaged upon her wool, while her maidens
toiled about her in the lamplight as she sat in the
hall of her house.1 The prize of this contest in
womanly virtues fell to Lucretia. As Collatinus and
the Tarquinii approached, they were graciously
received, and the victorious husband courteously
invited the young princes to his table. It was there

199

LIVY

Sex. Tarquinium mala libido Lucretiae per vim stu-
prandae capit ; cum forma turn spectata castitas
11 incitat. Et turn quidem ab nocturno iuvenali ludo
in castra redeunt.

LVIII. Paucis interiectis diebus Sex. Tarquinius
inscio Collatino cum comite uno Collatiam venit

2 Ubi exceptus benigne ab ignaris consilii cum post
cenam in hospitale cubiculum deductus esset, amore
ardenSj postquam satis tuta circa sopitique omnes
videbantur, stricto gladio ad dormientem Lucretiam
venit sinistraque manu mulieris pectore oppresso
"Tace, Lucretia/' inquit; "Sex. Tarquinius sum;
ferrum in manu est ; moriere, si emiseris vocem."

3 Cum pavida ex somno mulier nullam opem, prope
mortem imminentem videret, turn Tarquinius fateri
amorem, orare, miscere precibus minas, versare in

4 omnes partes muliebrem animum. Ubi obstinatam
videbat et ne mortis quidem metu inclinari, addit ad
me turn dedecus : cum mortua iugulatum servum
nudum positurum ait, ut in sordido adulterio necata

5 dicatur. Quo terrore cum vicisset obstinatam pudi-
citiam velut vi victrix 1 libido, profectusque inde
Tarquinius ferox expugnato decore muliebri esset,
Lucretia maesta tanto malo nuntium Romam eundem
ad patrem Ardeamque ad virum mittit, ut cum sin-

1 velut vi victrix M. Mueller : uelut uictrix fl.

200

BOOK I. lvii. io-Lvm. 5

that SextusTarquinius was seized with a wicked desire
to debauch Lucretia by force ; not only her beauty,
but her proved chastity as well, provoked him.
However, for the present they ended the boyish
prank of the night and returned to the camp.

LVIII. When a few days had gone by, Sextus
Tarquinius, without letting Collatinus know, took a
single attendant and went to Collatia. Being kindly
welcomed, for no one suspected his purpose, he was
brought after dinner to a guest-chamber. Burning
with passion, he waited till it seemed to him that all
about him was secure and everybody fast asleep;
then, drawing his sword, he came to the sleeping
Lucretia. Holding the woman down with his left
hand on her breast, he said, " Be still, Lucretia ! I
am Sextus Tarquinius. My sword is in my hand.
Utter a sound, and you die ! " In affright the woman
started out of her sleep. No help was in sight, but
only imminent death. Then Tarquinius began to
declare his love, to plead, to mingle threats with
prayers, to bring every resource to bear upon her
woman's heart. When he found her obdurate and
not to be moved even by fear of death, he went
farther and threatened her with disgrace, saying that
when she was dead he would kill his slave and lay
him naked by her side, that she might be said to
have been put to death in adultery with a man of
base condition. At this dreadful prospect her resolute
modesty was overcome, as if with force, by his vic-
torious lust ; and Tarquinius departed, exulting in his
conquest of a woman's honour. Lucretia, grieving
at her great disaster, dispatched the same message to
her father in Rome and to her husband at Ardea :

201

LIVY

a.u.c. epulis fidelibus amicis veniant ; ita facto maturatoque

220-244 ^

6 opus esse ; rem atrocem incidisse. Sp. Lucretius
cum P. Valerio Volesi filio, Collatinus cum L. Iunio
Bruto venit, cum quo forte Romam rediens ab nuntio
uxoris erat conventus. Lucretiam sedentem maes-

7 tarn in cubiculo inveniunt. Adventu suorum lacri-
mae obortae, quaerentique viro "Satin salve?"1
" Minime," inquit; "quid enim salvi est mulieri
amissa pudicitia? Vestigia viri alieni, Collatine, in
lecto sunt tuo ; ceterum corpus est tantum violatum,
animus insons ; mors testis erit. Sed date dexteras

8 fidemque baud inpune adultero fore. Sex. est Tar-
quinius_, qui hostis pro bospite priore nocte vi arma-
tus milii sibique, si vos viri estis, pestiferum hinc

9 abstulit gaudium." Dant ordine omnes fidem ; con-
solantur aegram animi avertendo noxam ab coacta in
auctorem delicti : mentem peccare, non corpus, et

10 unde consilium afuerit, culpam abesse. "Vos/' in-
quit, " videritis, quid illi debeatur : ego me etsi pec-
cato absolvo, supplicio non libero; nec ulla deinde

11 inpudica Lucretiae exemplo vivet." Cultrum, quern
sub veste abditum habebat, eum in corde defigit pro-

12 lapsaque in volnus moribunda cecidit. Conclamat
vir paterque.

1 salve CI : saluae R.

202

BOOK I. lviii. 5-12

that they should each take a trusty friend and come ;
that they must do this and do it quickly, for a fright-
ful thing had happened. Spurius Lucretius came
with Publius Valerius, Volesus' son. Collatinus
brought Lucius Junius Brutus, with whom he chanced
to be returning to Rome when he was met by the
messenger from his wife. Lucretia they found sitting
sadly in her chamber. The entrance of her friends
brought the tears to her eyes, and to her husband's
question, " Is all well ? " she replied, " Far from it ;
for what can be well with a woman when she has lost
her honour ? The print of a strange man, Collatinus,
is in your bed. Yet my body only has been violated ;
my heart is guiltless, as death shall be my witness.
But pledge your right hands and your words that the
adulterer shall not go unpunished. Sextus Tar-
quinius is he that last night returned hostility for
hospitality, and armed with force brought ruin on me,
and on himself no less — if you are men — when he
worked his pleasure with me." They give their
pledges, every man in turn. They seek to comfort her,
sick at heart as she is, by diverting the blame from her
who was forced to the doer of the wrong. They tell
her it is the mind that sins, not the body ; and that
where purpose has been wanting there is no guilt. " It
is for you to determine," she answers, " what is due to
him ; for my own part, though I acquit myself of the
sin, I do not absolve myself from punishment ; not in
time to come shall ever unchaste woman live through
the example of Lucretia." Taking a knife which she
had concealed beneath her dress, she plunged it into
her heart, and sinking forward upon the wound, died
as she fell. The wail for the dead was raised by her
husband and her father.

203

LIVY

a.u.c. LIX. Brutus illis luctu occupatis cultrum ex vol-

nere Lucretiae extractum manantem 1 cruore prae
se tenens, "Per hunc/' inquit, " castissimum ante
regiam iniuriam sanguinem iuro_, vosque, di, testes
facio, me L. Tarquinium Superbum cum scelerata
coniuge et omni liberorum stirpe ferro, igni, qua-
cumque denique 2 vi possim, exsecuturum nec illos
nec alium quemquam regnare Romae passurum."

2 Cultrum deinde Collatino tradit, inde Lucretio ac
Valerio, stupentibus miraculo rei, unde novum in
Bruti pectorc ingenium. Ut praeceptum erat iurant;
totique ab luctu versi in iram, Brutum iam inde ad
expugnandum regnum vocantem sequuntur ducem.

3 Elatum domo Lucretiae corpus in forum deferunt
concientque miraculo., ut fi% rei novae atque indigni-

4 tate homines. Pro se quisque scelus regium ac vim
queruntur. Movet cum patris3 maestitia, turn Brutus
castigator lacrimarum atque inertium querellarum
auctorque quod viros, quod Romanos deceret, arma

5 eapiendi adversus hostilia ausos. Ferocissimus quis-
que iuvenum cum armis voluntarius adest; sequitur
et cetera iuventus. Inde patre praeside relicto Col-
latiae 4 custodibusque datis, ne quis eum motum
regibus nuntiaret, ceteri armati duce Bruto Romam

6 profecti. Ubi eo ventum est, quacumque incedit

1 manantem 0~ : manante CI.

2 denique Madviy : dehinc (die hinc 0) CI.

3 patria B2g- : patres (patre Ji) CI.

4 patre praeside relicto Collatiae [ad portas] Walters :
pat ri paris (or pari or pars or paris) praesidio relicto Collatiae
ad portas CI.

204

BOOK I. lix. 1-6

LIX. Brutus, while the others were absorbed in
grief, drew out the knife from Lucretia's wound, and
holding it up, dripping with gore, exclaimed, "By this
blood, most chaste until a prince wronged it, I swear,
and I take you, gods, to witness, that I will pursue
Lucius Tarquinius Superbus and his wicked wife and
all his children, with sword, with fire, aye with
whatsoever violence I may ; and that I will suffer
neither them nor any other to be king in Rome ! "
The knife he then passed to Collatinus, and from him
to Lucretius and Valerius. They were dumbfounded
at this miracle. Whence came this new spirit in the
breast of Brutus ? As he bade them, so they swore.
Grief was swallowed up in anger ; and when Brutus
summoned them to make war from that very moment
on the power of the kings, they followed his lead.
They carried out Lucretia's corpse from the house
and bore it to the market-place, where men crowded
about them, attracted, as they were bound to be, by
the amazing character of the strange event and its
heinousness. Every man had his own complaint to
make of the prince's crime and his violence. They
were moved, not only by the father's sorrow, but by
the fact that it was Brutus who chid their tears and
idle lamentations and urged them to take up the
sword, as befitted men and Romans, against those
who had dared to treat them as enemies. The
boldest of the young men seized their weapons and
offered themselves for service, and the others followed
their example. Then, leaving Lucretia's father to
guard Collatia, and posting sentinels so that no one
might announce the rising to the royal family, the
rest, equipped for battle and with Brutus in command,
set out for Rome. Once there, wherever their armed

LIVY

armata multitudo pavorem ac tumultum facit ; rur-
sus ubi anteire primores civitatis vident, quidquid

7 sit haud temere esse rentur. Nec minorem motum
animorum Romae tarn atrox res facit quam Collatiae
fecerat. Ergo ex omnibus locis urbis in forum curri-
tur. Quo simul ventum est, praeco ad tribunum
celerum, in quo turn magistratu forte Brutus erat,

8 populum advocavit. Ibi oratio habita nequaquam
eius pectoris ingeniique quod simulatum ad earn
diem fuerat, de vi ac libidine Sex. Tarquini, de
stupro infando Lucretiae et miserabili cacde, de
orbitate Tricipitini, cui morte filiae causa mortis

9 indignior ac miserabilior esset. Addita superbia
ipsius regis miseriaeque et labores plebis in fossas
cloacasque exbauriendas demersae ; Romanos homi-
nes, victores omnium circa populorum, opifices ac

10 lapicidas pro bellatoribus factos. Indigna Ser. TulH
regis memorata caedes et invecta corpori patris ne-
fando vehiculo filia, invocatique ul tores parentum di.

11 His atrocioribusque, credo, aliis, quae praesens rerum
indignitas liaudquaquam relatu scriptoribus facilia
subicit, memoratis incensam multitudinem perpulit
ut impcrium rcgi abrogaret exsulesque esse iuberet

12 L. Tarquinium cum coniuge ac liberis. Ipse iunio-

1 For the Celeres, see xv. 8 and note. H. J. Edwards (ad
loc.) thinks that the office comprised both military and civil
functions — the command of the cavalry (cf. the Magisttr
Equitum in republican times) and the presidency (as deputy
of the king) of comitia and senate.

206

BOOK I. ux. 6-12

band advanced it brought terror and confusion ; but
again, when people saw that in the van were the chief
men of the state, they concluded that whatever it
was it could be no meaningless disturbance. And in
fact there was no less resentment at Rome when this
dreadful story was known than there had been at
Collatia. So from every quarter of the City men
came running to the Forum. No sooner were they
there than a crier summoned the people before the
Tribune of the Celeres,1 which office Brutus then
happened to be holding. There he made a speech
by no means like what might have been expected of
the mind and the spirit which he had feigned up to
that day. He spoke of the violence and lust of
Sextus Tarquinius, of the shameful defilement of
Lucretia and her deplorable death, of the bereavement
of Tricipitinus, in whose eyes the death of his daughter
was not so outrageous and deplorable as was the
cause of her death. He reminded them, besides, of
the pride of the king himself and the wretched state
of the commons, who were plunged into ditches and
sewers and made to clear them out. The men of
Rome, he said, the conquerors of all the nations round
about, had been transformed from warriors into
artisans and stone-cutters. He spoke of the shame-
ful murder of King Tullius, and how his daughter had
driven her accursed chariot over her father's body,
and he invoked the gods who punish crimes against
parents. With these and, I fancy, even fiercer
reproaches, such as occur to a man in the very presence
of an outrage, but are far from easy for an historian
to reproduce, he inflamed the people, and brought
them to abrogate the king's authority and to exile
Lucius Tarquinius, together with his wife and chil-
dren. Brutus himself then enrolled the juniors, who

207

LIVY

ribus, qui ultro nomina dabant, lectis armatisque ad
concitandum inde adversus regem exercitum Ardeam
in castra est profectus : imperium in urbe Lucretio,
praefecto urbis iam ante ab rege institute^ relinquit.
13 Inter hunc tumultum Tullia domo profugit exse-
crantibus, quacumque incedebat, invocantibusque
parentum furias viris mulieribusque.

LX. Harum rerum nuntiis in castra perlatis cum
re nova trepidus rex pergeret Romam ad compri-
mendos motus, fiexit viam Brutus — senserat enim
adventum— ne obvius fieret ; eodemque fere tempore
diversis itineribus Brutus Ardeam, Tarquinius Romam

2 venerunt. Tarquinio clausae portae exsiliumque in-
dictum : liberatorem urbis laeta castra accepere,
exactique inde liberi regis. Duo patrem secuti sunt,
qui exsulatum Caere in Etruscos ierunt. Sex. Tar-
quinius Gabios tamquam in suum regnum profectus
ab ultoribus veterum simultatium, quas sibi ipse cae-

3 dibus rapinisque concierat.,1 est interfectus.

L. Tarquinius Superbus regnavit annos quinque
et viginti.2 Regnatum Romae ab condita urbe ad

4 liberatam annos ducentos quadraginta quattuor.
Duo consules inde comitiis centuriatis a praefecto
urbis ex commentariis Ser. Tulli creati sunt, L.
Iunius Brutus et L. Tarquinius Collatinus. v

1 concierat M ' conciuerat HRDL : concitauerat n.

2 quinque et viginti M: V et XL n.

1 The " consuls," as they were called from the time of the
Decemvirate, were originally designated ' ( praetors" ; Livy
is anachronistic. The 41 centuriate comitia " was the assembly
of the people by centuries, as classified by Servius, primarily
for military ends. It is more likely that Lucretius presided

208

BOOK I. lix. 12-LX. 4

voluntarily gave in their names, and arming them b.c.
set out for the camp at Ardea to arouse the troops 534-5
against the king. The command at Rome he left
with Lucretius, who had been appointed Prefect of
the City by the king, some time before. During
this confusion Tullia fled from her house, cursed
wherever she went by men and women, who called
down upon her the furies that avenge the wrongs
of kindred.

LX. When the news of these events reached the
camp, the king, in alarm at the unexpected danger,
set out for Rome to put down the revolt. Brutus, who
had perceived the king's approach, made a circuit to
avoid meeting him, and at almost the same moment,
though by different roads, Brutus reached Ardea and
Tarquinius Rome. Against Tarquinius the gates were
closed and exile was pronounced. The liberator of
the City was received with rejoicings in the camp,
and the sons of the king were driven out of it. Two
of them followed their father, and went into exile at
Caere, in Etruria. Sextus Tarquinius departed for
Gabii, as though it had been his own kingdom, and
there the revengers of old quarrels, which he had
brought upon himself by murder and rapine, slew him.

Lucius Tarquinius Superbus ruled for five and
twenty years. The rule of the kings at Rome, from
its foundation to its liberation, lasted two hundred
and forty-four years. Two consuls were then chosen
in the centuriate comitia, under the presidency of
the Prefect of the City, in accordance with the com-
mentaries of Servius Tullius.1 These were Lucius
Junius Brutus and Lucius Tarquinius Collatinus.

over the election in the capacity of interrex (to which office
Dion. iv. 84 says Lucretius was appointed by Brutus) than in
that of prefect.

209

LIBRI I PERIOCHA

A. Adventus Aeneae in Italiam et res gestae. Ascani
regnum Albae et deinceps Silviorum. Numitoris filia a
Marte compressa nati Romulus et Remus. Amulius
obtruncatus. Urbs a Romulo condita. Senatus lectus.
Cum Sabinis bellatum. Spolia opima Feretrio Iovi lata.
In curias 1 populus divisus. Fidenates, Veientes victi.
Romulus consecratus.

Numa Pompilius ritus sacrorum tradidit. Porta Iani
clausa.

Tullus Hostilius Albanos diripuit. Trigeminorum
pugna. Metti Fufeti supplicium. Tullus fulmine con-
sumptus.

Ancus Marcius Latinos devicit, Ostiam condidit.

Tarquinius Priscus Latinos superavit, circum fecit,
finitimos devicit, muros et cloacas fecit.

Servio Tullio caput arsit. Servius Tullius Veientes
devicit et populum in classes divisit, aedem Dianae dedi-
cavit.

Tarquinius Superbus occiso Tullio regnum invasit.
Tulliae scelus in patrem. Turnus Herdonius per Tar-
quinium occisus. Bellum cum Vulscis. Fraude Sex.
Tarquini Gabi direpti.2 Capitolium inchoatum. Ter-
monis 3 et Iuventae arae moveri non potuerunt. Lucretia
se occidit. Superbi expulsio. Regnatum est annis cclv.

1 curias Sigonius : centurias MSS.

2 direpti MSS. : (Gabini) recepti Kornemann.

3 Termonis Pitkoeus (c/1 JSnnius, An. 479/. ; Plut. Numa,
16 ; Dion. Hal. iii. 69) : cremonae MSS. {over which in 0 is
written vel teriuine).

2IO

SUMMARY OF BOOK I

A. Arrival of Aeneas in Italy and his deeds. Reign of
Ascanius, and after him of the Silvii, at Alba. Romulus
and Remus born to Mars by the daughter of Numitor.
Amulius killed. The City founded by Romulus. The
senate chosen. War with the Sabines. Spolia opima
dedicated to Jupiter Feretrius. The people divided into
wards. The Fidenates and Veientes conquered. Romu-
lus deified.

Numa Pompilius handed on religious rites. The door
of Janus's temple closed.

Tullus Hostilius ravaged the country of the Albans.
Battle of the triplets. Punishment of Mettius Fufetius.
Tullus slain by a thunderbolt.

Ancus Martius conquered the Latins ; founded Ostia.

Tarquinius Priscus defeated the Latins ; made a circus;
conquered the neighbouring peoples ; built walls and
sewers.

The head of Servius Tullius gave forth flames. Servius
Tullius conquered the Veientes and divided the people
into classes ; dedicated a temple to Diana.

Tarquinius Superbus slew Tullius and seized the king-
ship. Tullia's crime against her father. Turnus Herdo-
nius killed by the machinations of Tarquinius. War with
the Volsci. Gabii sacked,1 in consequence of the fraud
of Sextus Tarquinius. The Capitol commenced. The
altars of Termo and Juventa could not be moved.2 Lu-
cretia slew herself. Expulsion of Superbus. The kings
reigned 255 years.3

1 According to Livy (liv. 10), Gabii was not sacked, but
passed peacefully into the hands of Tarquinius. See critical
note.

2 In Livy (lv. 3) Juventa is not mentioned, and Termo
appears in the form Terminus.

* Livy (lx. 3) says 244 years.

211

LIVY

.3. Latin's vietis montem Aventinum adsignavit, fines
protulit, Hosl.iam coloniam deduxit, caerimonias a Numa
institutas renovavit.

Hie temptandae scientiae Atti Navi auguris causa fertur
consuluisse eura, an id de quo cogitaret effici posset ;
quod cum ille fieri posse dixisset, iussisse eum novacula
cotem praecidere, idque ab Atto protinus factum.

Regnavit annis xxiiii. Eo regnante Lucumo, Dema-
rati Corinthi Alius, a Tarquinis, Etrusca civitate, Romam
venit et in amicitiani Anci receptus Tarquini Prisci nomen
ferre cocpit et post mortem Anci regnum excepit. Cen-
tum in patres allegit, Latinos subegit, ludos in circo
edidit, equitum centurias ampliavit, urbem muro circum-
dedit, cloacas fecit.1 Occisus est ab Anci filiis, cum reg-
nasset annis xxxviii.

Successit ei Servius Tullius, natus ex captiva nobili
Corniculana, cui puero athuc in cunis posito caput arsisse
traditum erat. Is censum primum egit, lustrum condidit,
quo censa lxxx milia esse dicuntur, pomerium protulit,
colles urbi adiecit Quirinalem, Viminaleni, Aesquilinum,
templum Dianae cum Latinis in Avenfcino fecit. Inter-
fectus est a Lucio Tarquinio, Prisci filio, consilio filiae
uae Tulliae, cum regnasset annis xliiii.

Post hunc L. Tarquinius Superbus neque patrum neque
populi iussu regnum invasit. Is armatos circa se in cus-
todiam sui habuit. Bellum cum Yulscis gessit et ex
spoliis eorum templum in Capitolio Iovi fecit. Gabios
dolo in potestatem suam2 redegit. Huius filiis Delphos
profectis et consulentibus quis eorum Romae regnaturus

1 Rossbach brackets this paragraph from Regnavit to fecit.

2 potestatem suam edd. : potestate sua MSS.

2 12

SUMMARY OF BOOK I

B. Having beaten the Latins,1 he assigned them the
Aventine Hill; planted a colony at Ostia; extended the
boundaries and revived the ceremonies established by
Numa.

It was he who is said to have asked the augur, Attus
Navius, to test his skill, whether the thing he was think-
ing of could be accomplished and, when Attus replied
that it could, to have bid him cut a whetstone in two with
a razor, Attus is said forthwith to have done.

He reigned 24 years. In his reign Lucumo, son of the
Corinthian Demaratus, came from Tarquinii, an Etruscan
city, to Rome, and being received into the friendship of
Ancus began to bear the name of Tarquinius Priscus, and
after the death of Ancus succeeded to the kingship. He
added a hundred members to the senate ; subjugated the
Latins ; gave games in the circus ; increased the cen-
turies of knights ; surrounded the city with a wall ; made
sewers. He was killed by the sons of Ancus after ruling
38 years.

His successor was Servius Tullius, son of a noble-
woman, a captive from Corniculum. It is related that
when he was still a babe, lying in the cradle, his head
burst into flames. He conducted the first census and
closed the lustrum, and it is said that 80,000 were
assessed. He enlarged the pomerium ; added to the city
the Quirinal, Viminal, and Esquiline Hills ; and with
the Latins erected a temple to Diana on the Aventine.
He was killed by Lucius Tarquinius, son of Priscus, on
the advice of his own daughter Tullia, after reigning
44 years.

After him Lucius Tarquinius Superbus seized the king-
dom, without the authorization of either Fathers or
People. He kept armed men about him to protect him.
He waged war with the Volsci, and out of their spoils
built a temple to Jupiter on the Capitol. He brought
Gabii under his sway by guile. When his sons had gone
to Delphi and were consulting the oracle as to which of

1 i.e. Ancus.

213

LIVY

esset, dictum est eum regnaturum qui primum matrem
osculatus esset. Quod responsum cum ipsi aliter inter-
pretarentur, Iunius Brutus, qui cum his profectus erat,
prolapsum se sinmlavit et terram osculatus est ; idque
factum eius eventus conprobavit. Nam cum inpotenter
se gerendo Tarquinius Superbus omnes in odium sui
adduxisset, ad ultimum propter expugnatam nocturna vi
a Sexto filio eius Lucretiae pudicitiam, quae ad se vocato
patre Tricipitino et viro Collatino obtestata ne inulta
mors eius esset cultro se interfecit, Bruti opera maxime
expulsus est, cum regnasset annos xxv. Turn consules
primi creati sunt L. Iunius Brutus L. Tarquinius Colla-
tinus.

214

SUMMARY OF BOOK 1

them should be king in Rome, answer was made that he
should reign who should first kiss his mother. This
response the princes themselves explained otherwise, but
Junius Brutus, who had accompanied them, pretended to
fall upon his face, and kissed the earth. And the out-
come sanctioned his act. For when Tarquinius Superbus
had brought all men to hate him by the violence of his
behaviour, and finally Lucretia, whose chastity had been
violated at night by the king's son Sextus, summoned her
father Tricipitinus and her husband Collatinus and, ad-
juring them not to leave her death unavenged, killed
herself with a knife, Tarquinius was expelled, chiefly
through the efforts of Brutus, after a reign of 25 years.
Then the first consuls were chosen, Lucius Junius Brutus
and Lucius Tarquinius Collatinus.

215

LIBER II

I. Libeiii iam hinc populi Romani res pace bello-
que gestas, annuos magistratus, imperiaque legum

2 potenti ora quam hominum peragam. Quae libertas
ut laetior esset proxumi regis superbia fecerat. Nam
priores ita regnarunt ut baud immerito omnes dein-
ceps conditores partium certe urbis, quas novas ipsi
sedes ab se auctae multitudinis addiderunt, nume-

3 rentur. Neque ambigitur quin Brutus idem qui
tantum gloriae Superbo exacto rege meruit pessimo
publico id facturus fuerit, si libertatis immaturae
cupidine priorum regum alicui regnum extorsisset.

4 Quid enim futurum fuit, si ilia pastorum convena-
rumque plebs, transfuga ex suis populis, sub tutela
inviolati templi aut libertatem aut certe impunitatem
adepta, soluta regio metu, agitari coepta esset tri-
buniciis procellis et in aliena urbe cum patribus

6 serere certamina, priusquam pignera coniugum ac
liberorum caritasque ipsi us soli, cui longo tempore

6 adsuescitur, animos eorum consociasset ? Dissipatae
res nondum adultae discordia forent, quas fovit tran-
quilla moderatio imperii, eoque nutriendo perduxit

1 This statement is too sweeping, for Livy nowhere attri-
butes any enlargement of the City to Numa.

218

BOOK II

I. The new liberty enjoyed by the Roman people, «*.c. 509
their achievements in peace and war, annual magis-
tracies, and laws superior in authority to men will
henceforth be my theme. This liberty was the more
grateful as the last king had been so great a tyrant.
For his predecessors so ruled that there is good reason
to regard them all as successive founders of parts,
at least, of the City, which they added to serve as
new homes for the numbers they had themselves re-
cruited.1 Nor is there any doubt that the same
Brutus who earned such honour by expelling the
haughty Tarquinius, would have acted in an evil
hour for the commonwealth had a premature eager-
ness for liberty led him to wrest the power from any
of the earlier kings. For what would have happened
if that rabble of shepherds and vagrants, having de-
serted their own peoples, and under the protection
of inviolable sanctuary having possessed themselves
of liberty, or at least impunity, had thrown off their
fear of kings only to be stirred by the ruffling storms
of tribunician demagogues, breeding quarrels with
the senators of a city not their own, before ever the
pledges of wife and children and love of the very
place and soil (an affection of slow growth) had
firmly united their aspirations? The nation would
have crumbled away with dissension before it had
matured. But it was favoured by the mild restraint
of the government, which nursed it up to the point

219

LIVY

ut bonam frugem libertatis maturis iam viribus ferre

7 possent. Libertatis autem originem inde magis quia
annuum imperium consulare factum est quam quod
deminutum quicquam sit ex regia potestate, numeres.

8 Omnia iura, omnia insignia primi consules tenuere ;
id modo cautum est ne, si ambo fasces haberent,
duplicatus terror videretur. Brutus prior concedente
oollega fasces habuit ; qui non acrior vindex libertatis

9 fuerat quam deinde custos fuit. Omnium primum
avidum novae libertatis populum, ne postmodum
flecti precibus aut donis regiis posset, iure iurando

10 adegit neminem Romae passuros regnare. Deinde,
quo plus virium in senatu frequentia etiam ordinis
faceret, caedibus regis deminutum patrum numerum
primoribus equestris gradus lectis ad trecentorum

11 summam explevit ; traditumque inde fertur ut in
senatum vocarentur qui patres quique conscripti
essent : conscriptos, videlicet novum senatum, ap-
pellabant lectos. Id mirum quantum profuit ad
concordiam civitatis iungendosque patribus plebis
animos.

II. Rerum deinde divinarum habita cura ; et quia
quaedam publica sacra per ipsos reges factitata erant,

1 Later any senator might be called pater conscriptus, and
it is possible that Livy and Festus (p. 254 m) were misled in
supposing that originally the patres were one class of sena-
tors and the conscripti another. See Conway's note.

2 Livy appears to have assumed that the new senators
were plebeians, but this is almost certainly wrong. The first

BOOK II. i. 6-n. i

where its ripened powers enabled it to bear good b.c. 509
fruit of liberty. Moreover you may reckon the be-
ginning of liberty as proceeding rather from the
limitation of the consuls' authority to a year than
from any diminution of their power compared with
that which the kings had exercised. All the rights
of the kings and all their insignia were possessed
by the earliest consuls ; only one thing was guarded
against — that the terror they inspired should not be
doubled by permitting both to have the rods. Brutus
was the first to have them, with his colleague's con-
sent, and he proved as determined in guarding liberty
as he had been in asserting it. To begin with, when
the people were still jealous of their new freedom,
he obliged them to swear an oath that they would
suffer no man to be king in Rome, lest they might
later be turned from their purpose by the entreaties
or the gifts of princes. In the next place, that the
strength of the senate might receive an added aug-
mentation from the numbers of that order, he filled
up the list of the Fathers, which had been abridged
by the late king's butcheries, drawing upon the fore-
most men of equestrian rank until he had brought
the total up to three hundred. From that time, it is
said, was handed down the custom of summoning
to the senate the Fathers and the Enrolled, the
latter being the designation of the new senators,
who were appointed.1 This measure was wonderfully
effective in promoting harmony in the state and at-
taching the plebs to the Fathers.2

II. Matters of worship then received attention.
Certain public sacrifices had habitually been per-
formed by the kings in person, and that their
definite notice of a plebeian senator occurs at v. xii. 11

(400 B.C.).

vol. I.

LIVY

A245°* necu^i regum desiderium esset, regem sacrificolum

2 creant. Id sacerdoiium pontifiei subiecere, ne addi-
tus nomini honos aliquid libertati,, cuius tunc prima
erat cura, officeret. Ac nescio an niniis undique earn
minimisque rebus muniendo modum excesserint,

3 Consulis enim alterius, cum nihil aliud offenderet,1
nomen invisum civitati fuit : nimium Tarquinios reg-
no adsuesse ; initium a Prisco factum : regnasse dein
Ser. Tullium ; ne intervallo quidem facto oblitum,
tamquam alieni, regni Superbum Tarquinium velut
hereditatem gentis scelere ac vi repetisse ; pulso
Superbo penes Collatinum imperium esse ; nescire

4 Tarquinios privatos vivere. Non placere nomen,
periculosum libertati esse. Hie2 primo sensim temp-
tantium animos sermo per totam civitatem est datus,
sollicitamque suspicione plebem Brutus ad contionem

5 vocat. Ibi omnium primum ius iurandum populi
recitat neminem regnare passuros nec esse Romae
unde periculum libertati foret. Id summa ope tuen-
dum esse neque ullam rem quae eo pertineat con-
temnendam. Invitum se dicere, hominis causa, nec
dicturum fuisse ni caritas rei publicae vinceret : non

6 credere populum Romanum solidam libertatem reci-
peratam esse ; regium genus, regium nomen non

1 offenderet Bauer : offenderit ft. 2 hie Gruter ; hinc Cl.

222

BOOK II. ii. 1-6

absence might nowhere be regretted, a " king of B.c. 509
sacrifices'' was appointed. This priesthood they made
subordinate to the pontifex, lest the office, in con-
junction with the title, might somehow prove an
obstacle to liberty, which was at that time their
chief concern. Perhaps the pains they took to safe-
guard it, even in trivial details, may have been
excessive. For the name of one of the consuls,
though he gave no other offence, was hateful to the
citizens. " The Tarquinii had become too used to
sovereignty. It had begun with Priscus ; Servius
Tullius had then been king ; but not even this in-
terruption had caused Tarquinius Superbus to forget
the throne or regard it as another's; as though it
had been the heritage of his family, he had used
crime and violence to get it back ; Superbus was
now expelled, but the supreme power was in the
hands of Collatinus. The Tarquinii knew not how
to live as private citizens. Their name was irksome
and a menace to liberty." Beginning in this way,
with a cautious sounding of sentiment, the talk
spread through the entire nation, and the plebs had
become anxious and suspicious, when Brutus sum-
moned them to an assembly. There he first of all
recited the oath which the people had taken, that
they would suffer no king in Rome, nor any man
who might be dangerous to liberty. This oath they
must uphold, he said, with all their might, nor
make light of anything which bore upon it. He
spoke with reluctance, on the man's account, nor
would he have broken silence unless he had been
forced to do so by his love of country. The Roman
people did not believe that they had recovered ab-
solute freedom. The royal family, the royal name

223

LIVY

a.u.c. solum in civitate sed etiam in imperio esse ; id offi-

245

7 cere, id obstare libertati. " Hunc tu/' inquit, fftua
voluntate, L. Tarquini, remove metum. Memini-
muSj fatemur, eieeisti reges ; absolve beneficium
tuum, aufer hinc regium nomen. Res tuas tibi non
solum reddent cives tui auctore me, sed, si quid
deestj munifice augebunt. Amicus abi ; exonera
civitatem vano forsitan metu ; ita persuasum est
animis, cum gente Tarquinia regnum hinc abitu-

8 rum." Consuli primo tarn novae rei ac subitae
admiratio incluserat vocem ; dicere deinde incipien-
tem primores civitatis circumsistunt, eadem multis

9 precibus orant. Et ceteri quidem movebant minus :
postquam Sp. Lucretius, maior aetate ac dignitate,
socer praeterea ipsius, agere varie rogando alternis

10 suadendoque coepit, ut vinci se consensu civitatis
pateretur, timens consul ne postmodum privato sibi
eadem ilia cum bonorum amissione additaque alia
insuper ignominia acciderent, abdicavit se consulatu
rebusque suis omnibus Lavinium translatis civitate

11 ccssit. Brutus ex senatus consulto ad populum
tulit ut omnes Tarquiniae gentis exsules essent.
Collegam sibi comitiis centuriatis creavit P. Vale-
rium, quo adiutore reges eiecerat.

224

BOOK II. ii. 6-1 1

were not only present in the state, but were actu- b.c. 509
ally in authority, an obstacle and a stumbling-block
in the way of liberty. "This fear/' he cried, ffdo
you yourself remove, Lucius Tarquinius, of your own
free will ! We are mindful — we confess it — that you
drove out the kings ; complete the good work you
have begun, and rid us of the royal name. Your
possessions shall not only be granted you by the
citizens, at my instance, but if they are in any way
inadequate they shall be generously increased. De-
part our friend, and relieve the state of what is,
perhaps, an idle fear. The people are persuaded
that with the family of Tarquinius the kingship will
vanish from amongst us." The consul was at first
prevented from uttering a word by his astonishment
at this strange and unexpected turn ; then, when he
tried to speak, the chief men of the state surrounded
him, and with many entreaties made the same request.
The others had little influence over him, but when
Spurius Lucretius, his superior in years and dignity,
and his father-in-law besides, began to urge him,
with mingled entreaty and advice, to permit himself
to yield to the unanimous wish of his fellow-citizens,
Collatinus became alarmed lest when his year of office
should have ended, his misfortunes might be increased
by the confiscation of his property and the addition
of yet other ignominies. He therefore resigned the
consulship, and transferring all his possessions to La-
vinium, withdrew from the Roman state. In pursu-
ance of a resolution of the senate, Brutus proposed
to the people a measure which decreed the exile of
all the Tarquinian race. To be his colleague the cen-
turiate comitia, under his presidency, elected Publius
Valerius, who had helped him to expel the kings.

225

LIVY

III. Cum haud cuiquam in dubio esset bellum ab
Tarquiniis imminere, id quidem spe omnium serins
fuit; ceterum, id quod non timebant, per dolum ac

2 proditionem prope libertas amissa est. Erant in
Romana iuventute adulescenles aliquot, nec ii tenui
loco orti, quorum in regno libido solutior fuerat,
aequales sodalesque adulescentium Tarquiniorum,

3 adsueti more regio vivere. Earn turn aequato iure
omnium licentiam quaerentes, libertatem aliorum in
suam vertisse servitutem inter se conquerebantur :
regem hominem esse, a quo impetres, ubi ius, ubi
iniuria opus sit ; esse gratiae locum, esse benefieio,
et irasei et ignoscere posse, inter amicum atque

4 inimicum discrimen nosse ; leges rem surdam, inex-
orabilem esse, salubriorem melioremque inopi quam
potenti, nihil laxamenti nec veniae habere, si modum
excesseris ; periculosum esse in tot humanis erroribus

5 sola innocentia vivere. Ita iam sua sponte aegris
animis legati ab regibus superveniunt sine mentione
reditus bona tan turn repetentes. Eorum verba post-
quam in senatu audita sunt, per aliquot dies ea con-
sultatio tenuit, ne non reddita belli causa, reddita

6 belli materia et adiumentum essent. Interim legati
226

BOOK II. in. 1-6

III. Although no one doubted that the Tarquinii b.c. 500
would presently go to war, their attack was delayed
beyond all expectation ; while a thing men did not
fear at all, to wit a treasonable plot, almost cost
Rome her liberty. There were among the }roung
men a number of youths, the sons of families not
unimportant, whose pleasures had been less confined
under the monarchy, who, being of the same age as
the young Tarquinii, and their cronies, had grown
used to the untrammelled life of princes. This
licence they missed, now that all enjoyed equal
rights, and they had got into the way of complain-
ing to each other that the liberty of the rest had
resulted in their own enslavement. A king was a
man, from whom one could obtain a boon, whether
it were just or unjust; there was room for counte-
nance and favour ; a king could be angry, could for-
give, could distinguish between friend and enemy.
The law was a thing without ears, inexorable, more
salutary and serviceable to the pauper than to the
great man ; it knew no relaxation or indulgence, if
one exceeded bounds; and, inasmuch as man is so
prone to blunder, it was dangerous to rely on inno-
cence alone. Thanks to such reflections, they were
already infected with disloyalty when envoys from
the royal family appeared, who without saying any-
thing about the return of the Tarquinii, sought merely
to recover their property. The senate, having given
them a hearing, debated the question for several
days ; for they feared that if they refused to make
restitution it would be a pretext for war, if they
consented it would be to furnish means and assist-
ance for its prosecution. Meantime the envoys were

227

LIVY

alia1 moliri, aperte bona repetentes clam reciperandi
regni consilia struere, et tamquam ad id quod agi
videbatur ambientes, nobilium adulescentium animos
7 pertemptant, A quibus placide oratio accepta est,
iis litteras ab Tarquiniis reddunt et de accipiendis
clam nocte in urbem regibus conloquuntur. IV. Vi-
telliis Aquiliisque fratribus primo commissa res est.
Vitelliorum soror consuli nupta Bruto erat, iamque
ex eo matrimonio adulescentes erant liberie Titus
Tiberiusque ; eos quoque in societatem consilii avun-

2 culi adsumunt. Praeterea aliquot nobiles adules-
centes conscii adsumpti, quorum vetustate memoria

3 abiit. Interim cum in senatu vicisset sententia quae
censebat reddenda bona, eamque ipsam causam mo-
rae in urbe haberent legate quod spatium ad vehi-
cula comparanda a consulibus sumpsissent quibus
regum asportarent res, omne id tcmpus cum eoniu-
ratis consultando absumunt, evincuntque instando ut

4 litterae sibi ad Tarquinios darentur : nam aliter qui
credituros eos non vana ab legatis super rebus tantis
adferri ? Datae litterae, ut pignus fidei essent, mani-

5 festum facinus fecerunt. Nam cum pridie quam
legati ad Tarquinios proficiscerentur cenatum 2 forte
apud Vitellios esset, coniuratique ibi remotis arbitris
multa inter se de novo, ut fit, consilio egissent, ser-

1 alia Crtvier : alia alia P : alii alia fl.

2 cenatum $- Duktr : et cenatum {or cac-) fl.

228

BOOK II. in. 6-iv. 5

exerting themselves to a different purpose. Ostensibly b o. 509
seeking to recover the property, they secretly laid
their plans for winning back the kingdom ; and, as
if in furtherance of their apparent object, they went
about sounding the disposition of the youthful nobles.
To those who gave them a friendly hearing they de-
livered letters from the Tarquinii, and plotted with
them to admit the royal family secretly by night into
the City. IV. The brothers Vitellii and Aquilii were
the first to be entrusted with the project. A sister
of the Vitellii had married the consul Brutus, and
there were sons of this marriage who were now young
men, Titus and Tiberius ; these were also admitted
by their uncles to a share in the design. There were
besides several other young nobles taken into the
secret, but their names are lost in antiquity. The
senate meantime had acquiesced in the opinion of
those who were in favour of giving back the property.
This very fact gave the agents of the exiles an excuse
for lingering in the City, for the consuls had granted
them time for obtaining vehicles with which to
carry away the belongings of the royal family. All
this time they spent in consultation with the con-
spirators, whom they urged and at length persuaded
to give them letters for the Tarquinii : for otherwise
how could the princes be convinced that the state-
ments of their agents regarding matters of such
importance were to be relied on ? These letters,
being given as a pledge of sincerity, furnished clear
proof of the crime, For on the eve of the envoys'
setting out to rejoin their masters it happened that
they were dining at the house of the Vitellii, where
the conspirators, having dismissed all witnesses, had
much talk together, naturally enough, about their

229

LIVY

monem eorum ex servis unus excepit, qui iam antea

6 id senserat agi, sed earn occasionern, ut litterae
Iegatis darentur quae depreliensae rem coarguere
possent, exspectabat. Postquam datas sensit, rem ad

7 consules detulit. Consules ad deprehendendos lega-
tos coniuratosque profecti domo sine tumultu rem
omnem oppressere ; litterarum in primis habita cura
ne interciderent. Proditoribus extemplo in vincla
coniectis, de Iegatis paululum addubitatum est, et
quamquam visi sunt commisisse ut hostium loco
essent, ius tamen gentium valuit. V. De bonis
regiis,1 quae reddi ante censuerant, res integra re-
fertur ad patres. Ibi victi ira2 vetuere reddi, vetuere

2 in publicum redigi : diripienda plebi sunt data, ut
contacta regia praeda spem in perpetuum cum iis
pacis amitteret. Ager Tarquiniorum, qui inter ur-
bem ac Tiberim fuit, consecratus Marti Martius

3 deinde campus fuit. Forte ibi turn seges farris
dicitur fuisse matura messi. Quern campi fructum
quia religiosum erat consumere, desectam cum stra-
mento segetem magna vis hominum simul immissa
corbibus fudere in Tiberim tenui fluentem aqua, ut
mediis caloribus solet. Ita in vadis haesitantis fru-

1 regiis Gruter : regis Ci.

2 Ibi victi ira (ibi victa ra M) Cl: ii victi ira Weiseen-
bom : ibi vicit ira Frey.

1 Ordinarily the Roman farmer cut the stalk close to the
ear, but this time it was cut near the ground, that the crop
might be completely destroyed,

230

BOOK II. iv. 5-v, 3

new design. This conversation one of the slaves over- b.c. 509
heard. He had for some time perceived what was in
the wind, but was waiting for the opportunity which
the delivery of the letters to the envoys would
provide, that their seizure might make good his ac-
cusation. When he saw that the letters had been
given, he laid the matter before the consuls. The
consuls left their houses, arrested the agents and
the conspirators, and, without making any disturb-
ance, completely crushed the plot, being especially
careful not to lose the letters. The traitors were
thrown into prison forthwith. As for the envoys, it
was uncertain for a little while what would be done
with them, but, notwithstanding they appeared to
have deserved no less than to be treated as enemies,
the law of nations nevertheless prevailed. V. The
question of the royal property, "which they had before
voted to return, was laid before the Fathers for fresh
consideration. This time anger won the day. They
refused to return it, and refused to confiscate it to
the state, but gave it up to the plebeians to plunder,
that having had their fingers in the spoils of the
princes they might for ever relinquish hope of making
their peace with them. The land of the Tarquinii,
lying between the City and the Tiber, was consecrated
to Mars and became the Campus Martius. It hap-
pened, they say, that there was then standing upon
it a crop of spelt, ripe for the harvest. Since this
produce of the land might not, for religious reasons,
be consumed, the grain was cut, straw and all,1 by a
large body of men, who were set to work upon it
simultaneously, and was carried in baskets and thrown
into the Tiber, then flowing with a feeble current,
as is usually the case in midsummer. So the heaps

231

LIVY

A.r.c. 4 menti acervos sedisse inlitos limo : insulam inde

245

palliating et aliis quae fert temere flumen eodem
invectis, factarn. Postea credo additas moles manu-
que adiutum, ut tarn eminens area flrmaque templis

5 quoque ac porticibus sustinendis esset. Direptis
bonis regum damnati proditores sumptumque suppli-
ciunij conspectius eo quod poenae capiendae minis-
terium patri de liberis consulatus imposuit, et qui
spectator erat amovendus, eum ipsum fortuna ex-

6 actorem supplicii dedit. Stabant deligati ad palum
nobilissimi iuvenes ; sed a ceteris; velut ab ignotis
capitibus, consulis liberi omnium in se averterant
oculosj miserebatque non poenae magis homines

7 quam sceleris quo poenam meriti essent : illos eo
potissimum anno patriam liberatam^ patrem libera-
torem, consulatum ortum ex domo Iunia, patres,
plebem^ quidquid deorum hominumque Romanorum
esset, induxisse in animum ut superbo quondam regi,

8 turn infesto exsuli proderent. Consules in sedem
processere suam, missique lictores ad sumendum
supplicium. Nudatos virgis caedunt securique feri-
untj cum inter omne tempus pater voltusque et os
eius spectaculo esset eminente animo patrio inter

9 publicae poenae ministerium. Secundum poenam
232

BOOK II. v. 3-9

of grain, caught in the shallow water, settled down B.c. 509
in the mud, and out of these and the accumulation
of other chance materials such as a river brings
down, there was gradually formed an island. Later,
I suppose, embankments were added, and work was
done, to raise the surface so high above the water
and make it strong enough to sustain even temples
and porticoes. When the chattels of the princes had
been pillaged, sentence was pronounced and punish-
ment inflicted upon the traitors — a punishment the
more conspicuous because the office of consul im-
posed upon a father the duty of exacting the penalty
from his sons, and he who ought to have been spared
even the sight of their suffering was the very man
whom Fortune appointed to enforce it. Bound to
the stake stood youths of the highest birth. But
the rest were ignored as if they had been of the
rabble : the consul's sons drew all eyes upon them-
selves. Men pitied them for their punishment not
more than for the crime by which they had deserved
that punishment. To think that those young men,
in that year of all others, when their country was
liberated and her liberator their own father, and
when the consulship had begun with the Junian
family, could have brought themselves to betray all
— the senate, the plebs, and all the gods and men of
Rome — to one who had formerly been a tyrannical
king and was then an enemy exile ! The consuls
advanced to their tribunal and dispatched the lictors
to execute the sentence. The culprits were stripped,
scourged with rods, and beheaded, while through it
all men gazed at the expression on the father's face,
where they might clearly read a father's anguish, as
he administered the nation's retribution. When the

233

LIVY

nocentium, ut in utramque partem arcendis sceleri-
bus exemplum nobile esset, praemium indici pecunia
ex aerariOj libertas et civitas data. Ille primum
10 dicitur vindicta liberatus. Quidam vindietae quoque
nomen tractum ab illo putant; Vindicio ipsi nomen
fuisse. Post ilium observatum ut qui ita liberati
essent in civitatem accepti viderentur.

VI. His sicut acta erant nuntiatis incensus Tar-
quinius non dolore solum tantae ad inritum cadentis
spei sed etiam odio iraque, postquam dolo viam
obsaeptam vidit, bell um aperte moliendum ratus

2 circumire supplex Etruriae urbes ; orare maxime
Veientes Tarquiniensesque, ne ex se 1 ortumj eius-
dem sanguinis, extorrem, egentem ex tanto modo
regno cum liberis adulescentibus ante oculos suos
perire sinerent. Alios peregre in regnum Romam
accitos : se regem, augentem bello Romanum im-
perium a proximis scelerata coniuratione pulsum.

3 Eos inter se., quia nemo unus satis dignus regno visus
sit, partes regni rapuisse ; bona sua diripienda po-
pulo dedisse, ne quis expers sceleris esset. Patriam
se regnumque suum repetere et persequi ingratos

1 ne ex se Drakenborch : ni (or ne) se £1.

1 A staff with which the slave was touched in the ceremony
of manumission. The etymology suggested in the next sen-
tence is wrong ; Vindicius, like vindicta, is derived from
vindex.

234

BOOK II. v. 9-vi. 3

guilty had suffered, that the example might be in b.c. 509
both respects a notable deterrent from crime, the in-
former was rewarded with money from the treasury,
emancipation, and citizenship. He is said to have
been the first to be freed by the vindicta.1 Some
think that even the word vindicta was derived from
his name, which they suppose to have been Vindicius.
From his time onwards it was customary to regard
those who had been freed by this form as admitted
to citizenship.

VI. When these occurrences had been faithfully
reported to Tarquinius, he was stirred not only by
disappointment at the collapse of so great hopes,
but also by hatred and anger. He saw that the way
was now closed against trickery, and believed it was
time to contrive an open war. He therefore went
about as a suppliant amongst the cities of Etruria,
directing his prayers chiefly to the Veientes and
the Tarquinienses. Reminding them that he had
come from them and was of the same blood as
themselves, and that exile and poverty had followed
hard upon his loss of what had been but now great
power, he besought them not to let him perish, with
his youthful sons, before their very eyes. Others
had been called in from abroad to be kings in Rome :
he himself, while actually king, and enlarging Rome's
sway by war, had been driven out by his next-of-kin
in a wicked conspiracy. His enemies, perceiving that
no single claimant was fit to be king, had seized and
usurped the power amongst themselves, and had
given up his goods to be plundered by the people,
that none might be without a share in the guilt.
He wished to regain his country and his sovereignty,
and to punish the ungrateful Romans. Let them

235

LIVY

cives velle. Ferrent opem, adiuvarent ; suas quoque
veteres iniurias ultum irent, totiens caesas legiones,

4 agrum ademptum. Haec moverunt Veientes, ac pro
se quisque Romano saltern duce ignominias demendas
belloque amissa repetenda minaciter fremunt. Tar-
quinienses nomen ac cognatio movet : pulchrum

5 videbatur suos Romae regnare. Ita duo duarum civi-
tatium exercitus ad repetendum regnum belloque
persequendos Romanos secuti Tarquinium. Post-
quam in agrum Romanum ventum est, obviam hosti

6 consules eunt : Valerius quadrato agmine peditem
ducit ; Brutus ad explorandum cum equitatu ante-
cessit. Eodem modo primus eques hostium agminis
fuit; praeerat Arruns Tarquinius, filius regis; rex

7 ipse cum legionibus sequebatur. Arruns ubi ex lic-
toribus procul consulem esse, deinde iam propius ac
certius facie quoque Brutum cognovit, inflammatus
ira " Ille est vir," inquit, "qui nos extorres expulit
patria. Ipse en ille nostris decoratus insignibus

8 magnifice incedit. Di regum ultores adeste." Con-
citat calcaribus equum atque in ipsum infestus con-
sulem derigit. Sensit in se iri Brutus. Decorum
erat turn ipsis capessere pugnam ducibus ; avide

9 itaque se certamini offert, adeoque infestis animis
concurrerunt, neuter, dum hostem volneraret, sui
protegendi corporis memor, ut contrario ictu per
236

BOOK II. vi. 3-9

succour and support him, and avenge, as well, their b.c. 509
own long-standing grievances, the oft-repeated de-
struction of their armies, and seizure of their lands.
This last plea moved the men of Veii, and they cried
out with threatenings that they ought, at all events
with a Roman for their commander, to wipe out their
disgraces and recover what they had lost in war.
The Tarquinienses were influenced by his name and
kinship : it seemed a fine thing to them that one of
their blood should be king in Rome. So it came
about that two armies, representing two nations,
followed Tarquinius, to regain his kingdom for him
and to chastise the Romans. When they had come
into Roman territory the consuls went out to meet
the enemy : Valerius led the foot in defensive forma-
tion ; Brutus, with the cavalry, went ahead to scout.
In the same fashion the enemy's horse headed their
march, commanded by Arruns Tarquinius, the king's
son, while the king himself followed with the legions.
Arruns, perceiving a long way off by the consul's
lictors that it was he, and then, as they drew nearer
together, recognizing Brutus more unmistakably by
his countenance, blazed with resentment. " Yonder,"
he cried, "is the man who drove us into exile from
our native land. Look ! He is himself decked out
with our trappings, as he comes proudly on ! O gods,
avengers of kings, be with us ! " Spurring his horse,
he charged straight at the consul. Brutus saw that
he was the object of the man's attack. In those
days it was to a general's credit to take part in the
actual fighting, so he eagerly accepted the challenge,
and they rushed at one another with such despera-
tion, neither of them taking thought for his own
defence if only he might wound his adversary, that

237

LIVY

parmam uterque transfixus duabus haerentes hastis

10 moribundi ex equis lapsi sint. Simul et cetera
equestris pugna coepit, neque ita multo post et
pedites superveniunt. Ibi varia victoria et velut
aequo Marte pugnatum est : dextera utrimque cor-

11 nua vicere, laeva superata. Veientes, vinci ab Ro-
mano milite adsueti, fusi fugatique ; Tarquiniensis,
novus hostis, non stetit solum, sed etiam ab sua
parte Romanum pepulit. VII. Ita cum pugnatum
esset, tantus terror Tarquinium atque Etruscos in-
cessit ut omissa inrita re, nocte ambo exercitus,
Veicns Tarquiniensisque, suas quisque abirent domos.

2 Adiciunt miracula huic pugnae : silentio proximae
noctis ex silva Arsia ingentem editam vocem ; Silvani
voccm earn creditam ; haec dicta : uno plus Tusco-

3 rum cecidisse in acie ; vincere bello Romanum. Ita
certe inde abiere Romani ut victores, Etrusci pro
victis. Nam postquam inluxit nec quisquam hostium
in conspectu erat, P. Valerius consul spolia legit

4 triumphansque inde Romam rediit. Collegae funus
quanto turn potuit apparatu fecit ; sed multo maius
morti decus publica fuit maestitia, eo ante omnia
insignis quia matronae annum ut parentem eum

238

BOOK II. vi. 9-V11. 4

each was pierced right through his shield by the b.c. 509
other's thrust, and, impaled upon the two spears,
they fell dying from their horses. At the same time
the rest of the cavalry as well began to fight, and
not long after the infantry also appeared. In this
battle the advantage was divided, and the fortune
of war seemed equally balanced : the right wing
on each side was victorious, while the left was
defeated. The Veientes, used to being beaten by
the Roman troops, were routed and dispersed ; the
men of Tarquinii, a new enemy, not only stood
their ground, but drove back the Roman forces
which opposed them. VII. Yet despite the in-
decisive character of the battle, so great a panic
came over Tarquinius and the Etruscans that they
gave up the enterprise for lost, and that same night
both armies, the Veientine and the Tarquiniensian,
marched off every man to his own home. To the
story of this fight common report adds a prodigy :
that in the silence of the following night a loud voice
was heard coming out of the Arsian forest, which was
believed to be the voice of Silvanus, and that this
was what he said : "The Tuscans have lost one more
man in the battle-line; the Romans are conquerors
in the war." At all events the Romans left the field
like victors, and the Etruscans like an army that has
been defeated. For when it grew light and not a
single enemy was to be seen, Publius Valerius the
consul gathered up the spoils and returned in triumph
to Rome. His colleague's funeral he celebrated with
all the pomp then possible; but a far greater honour
to the dead man was the general grief, which was
particularly conspicuous inasmuch as the matrons
mourned a year for him, as for a father, because

239

L1VY

a.u.c. luxerunt, quod tarn acer ultor violatae pudicitiae
fuisset.

5 Consuli deinde qui superfuerat, ut sunt mutabiles
volgi aninii, ex favore non invidia modo sed suspicio

0 etiam cum atroci crimine orta. Regnum eum ad-
fectare fania ferebat, quia nec collegam subrogaverat
in locum Bruti et aedificabat in summa Velia : ibi
alto atque munito loco arcem inexpugnabilem fieri.1

7 Haec dicta volgo creditaque cum indignitate ange-
rent consulis animum, vocato ad concilium populo
submissis fascibus in contionem escendit. Gratum
id multitudini spectaculum fuit, submissa sibi esse
imperii insignia confessionemque factam populi quam

8 consulis maiestatem vimque maiorem esse. Ibi au-
dire iussis consul laudare fortunam collegae, quod
liberata patria, in summo honore, pro re publica
dimicanSj matura gloria necdum se vertente in in-
vidiam^ mortem occubuisset : se superstitem gloriae
suae ad crimen atque invidiam superesse, ex libera-
tore patriae ad Aquilios se Vitelliosque recidisse.

9 ffNumquamne ergo/' inquit, "ulla adeo vobis2 spec-
tata virtus erit, ut suspicione violari nequeat ? Ego
me, ilium acerrimum regum hostem, ipsum cupidi-

1 fieri Conway and Walters ; fieri fore fl ; fore Dl or D2,
Weissenhorn-MiU lev.

2 vobis Gron. Lg- : a vobis G.

1 Bundles of rods which symbolized the magistrate's au-
thority to scourge, as the axes {secures) did his right to put
to death.

240

BOOK II. vii. 4-9

he had been so spirited an avenger of outraged b.c. 509
modesty.

Soon after this the surviving consul, so fickle are
the affections of the mob, became unpopular ; not
only did the people dislike him, but they actually
suspected him and made cruel charges against him.
It was noised about that he was aspiring to the power
of a king, since he had not caused a colleague to be
elected in the place of Brutus, and was building a
house on the highest part of the Vclia, an elevated
position of natural strength, men said, which he was
converting into an impregnable citadel. The fre-
quency of these remarks and the general acceptance
they met with, shamefully unjust as they were, dis-
tressed the consul. He summoned the people to
a council, and with lowered fasces 1 mounted the
speaker's platform. It was a welcome spectacle to
the multitude when they beheld the emblems of
authority there abased before them, in acknowledg-
ment that the people's majesty and power were
superior to the consul's. Then, bidding them attend,
the consul extolled the good fortune of his colleague,
who, after his country had thrown off the yoke, had
held the highest office in her gift, and, fighting for
the state, at the height of a reputation as yet un-
tarnished by envy, had met his death. He had
himself outlived his glory, and survived to face ac-
cusations and ill-will. From being the saviour of
his country he had sunk to the level of the Aquilii
and Vitellii. " Will there never be worth and merit,
then," he exclaimed, " so established in your minds
that suspicion cannot wrong it? Could I possibly
have feared that I, well known as the bitterest
enemy of kings, should myself incur the charge ot

241

LIVY

10 tatis regni crimen subiturum timerem ? Ego si in
ipsa arce Capitoiioque habitareim metui me crederem
posse a civibus meis ? Tarn levi momento mea apud
vos fama pendet ? Adeone est fundata leviter fides

11 ut ubi sim quam qui sim magis referat ? Non obsta-
bunt P. Valeri aedes libertati vestrae, Quirites ; tuta
erit vobis Velia. Deferam non in planum modo
aedes, sed colli etiam subiciam, ut vos supra suspec-
tum me civem babitetis ; in Velia aedificent quibus

12 melius quam P. Valerio creditur libertas." Delata
confestim materia omnis infra Veliam et, ubi nunc
Vicae Potae 1 est, domus in infimo clivo aedificata.

VIII. Latae deinde leges, non solum quae regni
suspicione consulem absolverent, sed quae adeo in
contrarium verterent ut popularem etiam facerent.

2 Inde cognomen factum Publicolae est. Ante omnes
de provocation e ad versus magistratus ad populum
sacrandoque cum bonis capite eius qui regni occu-
pandi consilia inisset gratae in volgus leges fuere.

3 Quas cum solus pertulisset, ut sua unius in his gratia
esset, turn demum 2 comitia collegae subrogando

4 habuit. Creatus Sp. Lucretius consul, qui magno
natu non sufficientibus iam viribus ad consularia
munera obeunda intra paucos dies moritur. Suffec-

5 tus in Lucreti locum M. Horatius Pulvillus. Apud

1 Vicae Potae Lipsius and Klock : vice (or -ae) pocae {or
-e) fl : Vicae Pocae aedes Siesebye.

2 demum Alschefski : deinde XI.

BOOK II. vii. 9-vm. 5

seeking kingly power? Could I have believed that, B.c. 509
though I dwelt in the very Citadel and on the Capitol
itself, I could be feared by my fellow-citizens ? Can
so trivial a cause ruin my reputation with you? Does
your confidence rest on so slight a foundation that
it makes more difference where I am than who I
am ? There shall be no menace in the house of
Publius Valerius to your liberties, Quirites ; your
Velia shall be safe. I will not only bring my house
down on to level ground, but will even place it under
a hill, that you may live above me, the citizen whom
you suspect. Let those build on the Velia who can
better be trusted with men's liberty than can Pub-
lius Valerius ! " Immediately the materials were all
brought down below the Velia, and the house was
erected where the temple of Vica Pota is now, at
the bottom of the slope.

VIII. Laws were then proposed which not only
cleared the consul from the suspicion of seeking
kingly power, but took such an opposite turn that
they even made him popular and caused him to be
styled Publicola, the People's Friend. Above all,
the law about appealing from the magistrates to the
people, and the one that pronounced a curse on the
lifey and property of a man who should plot to make
himself king, were welcome to the commons. When
he had carried through these measures alone, that
he might enjoy without a rival all the favour arising
out of them, he finally held an election to choose a
colleague for the unexpired term. The choice fell
upon Spurius Lucretius, who by reason of his great
age was no longer strong enough for the duties
of the consulship, and died within a few days.
They elected in Lucretius's place Marcus Horatius

243

LIVY

a.tt.c. quosdam veteres auctores non invenio Lucretium

245

consulem ; Bruto statim Horatium suggerunt ; credo
quia nulla gesta res insignem fecerit consulatum
memoriam 1 intercidisse.

6 Nondum dedicata erat in Capitolio Iovis aedes.
Valerius Horatiusque consules sortiti uter dedicaret.
Horatio sortc evenit : Publicola ad Veientium bellum

7 profectus. Aegrius quam dignum erat tulere Valeri
necessarii dedicationem tam incliti templi Horatio
dari. Id omnibus modis impedire conati_, postquam
alia frustra tcmptata erant, postern iam tenenti con-
suli foedum inter precationem deum nuntium incu-
tiunt mortuum eius fllium esse, funestaque familia

8 dedicare eum templum non posse. Non crediderit
factum, an tantum animo roboris fuerit, nec traditur
certum nec interpretatio est facilis ; nihil aliud ad
eum nuntium a proposito aversus, quam ut cadaver
efferri iuberet, tenens postem precationem peragit et
dedicat templum.

9 Haec post exactos reges domi militiaeque gesta
primo anno.

a.tt.c. IX. Inde P. Valerius iterum T. Lucretius consules

246

facti. Iam Tarquinii ad Lartem Porsinnam,2 Clusi-

1 memoriam : memoria fi.

2 This name has evcryivhere in this edition been spelled ivith
an i, though here and in some other places n read Porsennam,
etc. Probably Livy's own xtsage varied, cf. Conway and
Walters ad loc.

1 Dion. Hal. (v. 21) says that Valerius was consul for the
third time, and Horatius for the second time, when the war
with Porsinna came. Mommsen thought the MSS. had lost

244

BOOK II. vm. 5-1X. i

Pulvillus. In some ancient authorities I do not find b.c. 509
Lucretius given as consul, but Brutus is followed
immediately by Horatius ; I suppose that because
no exploit lent distinction to Lucretius's consulship
men forgot it.

The temple of Jupiter on the Capitol had not yet
been dedicated. Valerius and Horatius the consuls
drew lots to determine which should do it. Horatius
received the lot, and Publicola set out to conduct the
war against the Veientes. With more bitterness than
was reasonable, the friends of Valerius resented that
the dedication of so famous a temple should be given
to Horatius. They tried in all sorts of ways to hinder
it, but their schemes all came to naught. Finally,
when the consul's hand was on the door-post and he
was in the midst of his prayers to the gods, they
broke in upon the ceremony with the evil tidings
that his son was dead, averring that whilst the shadow
of death was over his house he could not dedicate a
temple. Whether he did not believe the news to be
true, or possessed great fortitude, we are not informed
with certainty, nor is it easy to decide. Without per-
mitting himself to be diverted from his purpose by
the message, further than to order that the body
should be buried, he kept his hand upon the door-
post, finished his prayer, and dedicated the temple.

Such were the achievements, at home and in the
field, of the first year after the expulsion of the
kings.

IX. Next Publius Valerius (for the second time) b.c. 50s
and Titus Lucretius were made consuls.1 By this
time the Tarquinii had sought refuge with Lars

these names, and proposed to insert them directly after those
in the text. But in chap. xi. 8, T. Lucretius is still the
colleague of Valerius.

245

LIVY

num regem, perfugerant. Ibi miscendo consilium
precesque nunc orabant ne se, oriundos ex Etruscis,
eiusdem sanguinis nominisque, egentes exsulare pate-

2 retur, nunc monebant etiam ne orientem morem
pellendi reges inultum sineret. Satis libertatem

3 ipsam habere dulcedinis. Nisi quanta vi civitates
earn expetant, tanta regna reges defendant, aequari
sumnia infimis ; nihil excelsum, niliil quod supra
cetera emineat in civitatibus fore ; adesse finem reg-

4 nis, rei inter deos hominesque pulcherrimae. Por-
sinna cum regem esse Romae tutum, turn1 Etruscae
gentis regem amplum Tuscis ratus, Romam infesto

5 exercitu venit. Non unquam alias ante tantus terror
senatum invasit ; adeo valida res turn Clusina erat
magnumque Porsinnae nomen. Nec hostes modo
timebant, sed suosmet ipsi cives, ne Romana plebs,
metu perculsa receptis in urbem regibus, vel cum

6 servitute pacem acciperet. Multa igitur blandimenta
plebi per id tempus ab senatu data. Annonae in
primis habita cura, et ad frumentum comparandum
missi alii in Volscos, alii Cumas. Salis quoque ven-
dendi arbitrium, quia impenso pretio venibat,3 in
publicum omne sumptum,3 ademptum privatis ; por-
toriisque et tributo plebes4 liberata, ut divites con-
ferrent, qui oneri ferendo essent : pauperes satis

7 stipendii pendere si liberos educent. Itaque haec

1 tutum turn Conway : turn £2 : fateretur turn DL.

2 venibat #V : veniebat (-banb M) n.

3 omne sumptum Gronov. : omni sumptum B ; omni
sumptu n. 4 plebes Gronov.: plebe &.

246

BOOK II. ix. 1-7

Porsinna, king of Clusium. There they mingled advice b.c. 508
and entreaty, now imploring him not to permit them,
Etruscans by birth and of the same blood and the
same name as himself, to suffer the privations of
exile, and again even warning him not to allow the
growing custom of expelling kings to go unpunished.
Liberty was sweet enough in itself. Unless the
energy with which nations sought to obtain it were
matched by the efforts which kings put forth to
defend their power, the highest would be reduced
to the level of the lowest ; there would be nothing
lofty, nothing that stood out above the rest of the
state ; there was the end of monarchy, the noblest
institution known to gods or men. Porsinna, believ-
ing that it was not only a safe thing for the Etruscans
that there should be a king at Rome, but an honour
to have that king of Etruscan stock, invaded Roman
territory with a hostile army. Never before had such
fear seized the senate, so powerful was Clusium in
those days, and so great Porsinna's fame. And they
feared not only the enemy but their own citizens,
lest the plebs should be terror-stricken and, admit-
ting the princes into the City, should even submit to
enslavement, for the sake of peace. Hence the senate
at this time granted many favours to the plebs. The
question of subsistence received special attention,
and some were sent to the Volsci and others to
Cumae to buy up corn. Again, the monopoly of
salt, the price of which was very high, was taken
out of the hands of individuals and wholly assumed
by the government. Imposts and taxes were removed
from the plebs that they might be borne by the well-
to-do, who were equal to the burden : the poor paid
dues enough if they reared children. Thanks to this

247

LIVY

indulgentia patrum asperis postmodum rebus in ob-
sidione ac fame adeo concordem civitatem tenuit ut
regium nomen non summi magis quam infimi horre-
8 rent, nec quisquam unus malis artibus postea tarn
popularis esset quam turn bene imperando universus
senatus fuit.

X. Cum hostes adessent, pro se quisque in urbem
ex agris demigrant, urbem ipsam saepiunt praesidiis.

2 Alia muris, alia Tiberi obiecto videbantur tuta : pons
sublicius iter paene hostibus dedit, ni unus vir fuisset,
Horatius Codes ; id munimentum illo die fortuna

3 urbis Romanae habuit. Qui positus forte in station e
pontis, cum captum repentino impetu Ianiculum
atque inde citatos decurrere hostes vidisset trepi-
damque turbam suorum arma ordinesque relinquere,
reprehensans singulos, obsistens obtestansque deum

4 et hominum fidem testabatur nequiquam deserto
praesidio eos fugere ; si transitum ponte 1 a tergo
reliquissent, iam plus hostium in Palatio Capitolioque
quam in Ianiculo fore. Itaque monere, praedicere
ut pontem ferro, igni_, quacumque vi possint, inter-
rumpant: se impetum hostium, quantum corpore

5 uno posset obsistl, excepturum. Vadit inde in pri-

1 ponte PoatgaU : pontem fl.

248

BOOK II. ix. 7-x. 5

liberality on the part of the Fathers, the distress b.c, 508
which attended the subsequent blockade and famine
was powerless to destroy the harmony of the state,
which was such that the name of king was not more
abhorrent to the highest than to the lowest; nor
was there ever a man in after years whose demagogic
arts made him so popular as its wise governing at
that time made the whole senate.

X. When the enemy appeared, the Romans all,
with one accord, withdrew from their fields into the
City, which they surrounded with guards. Some parts
appeared to be rendered safe by their walls, others
by the barrier formed by the river Tiber. The bridge
of piles almost afforded an entrance to the enemy,
had it not been for one man, Horatius Codes ; he
was the bulwark of defence on which that day de-
pended the fortune of the City of Rome. He chanced
to be on guard at the bridge when Janiculum was
captured by a sudden attack of the enemy. He saw
them as they charged down on the run from Janicu-
lum, while his own people behaved like a frightened
mob, throwing away their arms and quitting their
ranks. Catching hold first of one and then of an-
other, blocking their way and conjuring them to
listen, he called on gods and men to witness that if
they forsook their post it was vain to flee ; once they
had left a passage in their rear by the bridge, there
would soon be more of the enemy on the Palatine
and the Capitol than on Janiculum, He therefore
warned and commanded them to break down the
bridge with steel, with fire, with any instrument at
their disposal ; and promised that he would himself
receive the onset of the enemy, so far as it could be
withstood by a single body. Then, striding to the

249

LIVY

mum aditum pontis, insignisque inter conspecta
cedcntium pugnae terga obversis comminus ad in-
eundum proeliuin armis ipso miraculo audaciae ob-

6 stupefecit hostis. Duos tamen cum eo pudor tenuity
Sp. Larcium1 ac T. Herminium, ambos claros genere

7 factisque. Cum his primam periculi procellam et
quod tumultuosissimum pugnae erat parumper susti-
nuit ; deinde eos quoque ipsos exigua parte pontis
relicta revocantibus qui rescindebant cedere in tutum

8 coegit. Circumferens inde truces minaciter oculos
ad proceres Etruscorum nunc singulos piovocare,
nunc increpare omnes : servitia regum superborum,
suae libertatis immemores alienam oppugnatum ve-

9 nire. Cunctati aliquamdiu sunt, dum alius alium, ut
proelium incipiant, circumspectant. Pudor deinde
commovit aciem, et clamore sublato undique in unum

10 hostem tela coniciunt. Quae cum in obiecto cuncta
scuto haesissent, neque ille minus obstinatus ingenti
pontem obtineret gradu, iam impetu conabantur
detrudere virum, cum simul fragor rupti pontis,
simul clamor Romanorum alacritate perfecti operis

11 sublatus, pavore subito impetum sustinuit. Turn
Codes "Tiberine pater/' inquit, " te sancte precor,
haec arma et hunc militem propitio flumine acci-
pias." Ita sic armatus in Tiberim desiluit multisque
superincidentibus telis incolumis ad suos tranavit,

1 Larcium n {and Dion. Hal. v. 23, 2) : Lartium O1 (or
0) RDL$- : Largium F2?.

250

BOOK II. x. 5-1 1

head of the bridge, conspicuous amongst the fugitives b.c. 508
who were clearly seen to be sli irking the fight,
he covered himself with his sword and buckler and
made ready to do battle at close quarters, confound-
ing the Etruscans with amazement at his audacity.
Yet were there two who were prevented by shame
from leaving him. These were Spurius Larcius and
Titus Herminius, both famous for their birth and
their deeds. With these he endured the peril of
the first rush and the stormiest moment of the
battle. But after a while he forced even these two
to leave him and save themselves, for there was
scarcely anything left of the bridge, and those who
were cutting it down called to them to come back.
Then, darting glances of defiance around at the Etrus-
can nobles, he now challenged them in turn to fight,
now railed at them collectively as slaves of haughty
kings, who, heedless of their own liberty, were come
to overthrow the liberty of others. They hesitated
for a moment, each looking to his neighbour to begin
the fight. Then shame made them attack, and with
a shout they cast their javelins from every side against
their solitary foe. But he caught them all upon his
shield, and, resolute as ever, bestrode the bridge and
held his ground ; and now they were trying to dis-
lodge him by a charge, when the crash of the falling
bridge and the cheer which burst from the throats
of the Romans, exulting in the completion of their
task, checked them in mid-career with a sudden
dismay. Then Codes cried, " O Father Tiberinus,
I solemnly invoke thee ; receive these arms and this
soldier with propitious stream ! " So praying, all
armed as he was, he leaped down into the river,
and under a shower of missiles swam across unhurt

251

LIVY

A.u.c. rem ausus plus famae habituram ad posteros quam

246

12 fidei. Grata erga tantam virtutem ci vitas fuit : statua
in comitio posita ; agri quantum uno die circumaravit

13 datum. Privata quoque inter publicos honores studia
eminebant ; nam in magna inopia pro domesticis
copiis unusquisque ei aliquid, fraudans se ipse victu
suo_, contulit.

XI. Porsinna primo conatu repulsus, consiliis ab
oppugnanda urbe ad obsidendam versis, praesidio in
Ianiculo locato ipse in piano ripisque Tiberis castra

2 posuit, navibus undique accitis et ad custodian^ ne
quid Romam frumenti subvehi sineret, et ut prae-
datum milites trans flumen per occasiones aliis atque

3 aliis locis traiceret1 ; brevique adeo infestum omnem
Romanum agrum reddidit, ut non cetera solum ex
agris sed pecus quoque omne in urbem compelle-
retur, neque quisquam extra portas propellere aude-

4 ret. Hoc tantum licentiae Etruscis non metu magis
quam consilio concessum. Namque Valerius consul,
intentus in occasionem multos simul et effusos im-
proviso adoriundi, in par vis rebus neglegens ultor,

5 gravem se ad maiora vindicem servabat. Itaque ut
eliceret praedatores, edicit suis, postero die fre-

1 traiceret Gronov.i traicerent n.

252

BOOK II. x. n-xi. 5

to his fellows, having given a proof of valour which b.c. 508
was destined to obtain more fame than credence
with posterity. The state was grateful for so brave
a deed : a statue of Codes was set up in the comitium,
and he was given as much land as he could plough
around in one day. Private citizens showed their
gratitude in a striking fashion, in the midst of his
official honours, for notwithstanding their great dis-
tress everybody made him some gift proportionate
to his means, though he robbed himself of his own
ration.

XI. Porsinna, repulsed in his first attempt, gave
up the plan of storming the City, and determined to
lay siege to it. Placing a garrison on Janiculum, he
pitched his camp in the plain by the banks of the
Tiber. He collected ships from every quarter, both
for guarding the river, to prevent any corn from
being brought into the City, and also to send his
troops across for plundering, as the opportunity might
present itself at one point or another; and in a short
time he made all the territory of the Romans so
unsafe that not only were they forced to bring all
their other property inside the walls, but even their
flocks too, nor did anybody dare to drive them out-
side the gates. This great degree of licence was per-
mitted to the Etruscans not so much from timidity
as design. For Valerius the consul, who was eager
for an opportunity of assailing a large number at
once, when they should be scattered about and not
expecting an attack, cared little to avenge small ag-
gressions, and reserved his punishment for a heavier
blow. Accordingly, to lure forth plunderers, he issued
orders to his people that on the following day a large
number of them should drive out their flocks by the

VOL. I.

253

K

LIVY

quentes porta Esquilina, quae aversissima ab hoste
erat, expellerent pecus^ scituros id hostes ratus,, quod
in obsidione et fame servitia infida transfugerent.

6 £t sciere perfugae indicio^ multoque plures^ ut in

7 spem universae praedae,, flumen traiciunt. P. Vale-
rius inde1 T. Herminium cum modicis copiis ad
secundum lapidem Gabina via occultum considere
iubetj Sp. Larcium cum expedita iuventute ad por-
tam Collinam stare donee hostis praetereat, inde se

8 obicere ne sit ad flumen reditus. Consulum alter
T. Lucretius porta Naevia cum aliquot manipulis
militum egressus, ipse Valerius Caelio monte co-

9 hortes delectas educit^ hique primi apparuere hosti.
Herminius ubi tumultum sensitj concurrit ex insidiis
versisque in Lucretium Etruscis terga caedit ; dextra
laevaque, hinc a porta Collina^ illinc ab Naevia^ red-

10 ditus clamor : ita caesi in medio praedatores,, neque
ad pugnam viribus pares et ad fugam saeptis omni-
bus viis. Finisque ille tarn effuse evagandi 2 Etruscis
fuit.

XII. Obsidio erat nihilo minus^ et frumenti cum
summa caritate inopia^ sedendoque expugnaturum se
2 urbem spem Porsinna habebat, cum C. Mucius,, adu-
lescens nobilis, cui indignum videbatur populum

1 inde Sohius : m D. : in B.

2 evagandi f2 : auagandi P : uagandi

1 Where there was a gate called Porta Caelimontana^
south of the Porta EsquUina.

2 From the standpoint of the inhabitants of the city,
looking eastward from the walls.

254

BOOK II. xi. 5-xn. 2

Esquiline Gate, which was the most remote from the b.c.508
enemy, believing that they would hear of it, since
the blockade and famine were causing desertions on
the part of faithless slaves. And in fact the enemy
did hear of it from a deserter's report, and crossed
the river in much greater force than usual, in the
hope of making a clean sweep of the booty. Con-
sequently Publius Valerius directed Titus Herminius
to lie in ambush with a small force two miles out on
the Gabinian Way, and Spurius Larcius with a body
of light-armed youths to take post at the Colline
Gate, until the enemy should pass, and then to throw
themselves between him and the river, cutting oft
his retreat. Of the two consuls, Titus Lucretius
went out by the Naevian Gate with several maniples
of soldiers, Valerius himself led out some picked
cohorts by way of the Caelian Mount.1 These last
were the first to be seen by the enemy. Herminius
had no sooner perceived that the skirmish was begun
than he rushed in from his ambush and fell upon the
rear of the Etruscans, who had turned to meet Va-
lerius. On the right hand and on the left,2 from the
Naevian Gate and from the Colline, an answering
shout was returned. Thus the raiders were hemmed
in and cut to pieces, for they were no match for the
Romans in fighting strength, and were shut off from
every line of retreat. This was the last time the
Etruscans roamed so far afield.

XII. The blockade went on notwithstanding. The
corn was giving out, and what there was cost a very
high price, and Porsinna was beginning to have hopes
that he would take the City by sitting still, when
Gaius Mucius, a young Roman noble, thinking it a
shame that although the Roman People had not, in

255

LIVY

Romanum servientem cum sub regibus esset nullo
bello nec ab hostibus ullis obsessum esse, liberum

3 eundem populum ab iisdem Etruscis obsideri quorum
saepe exercitus fuderit, — itaque magno audacique
aliquo facinore earn indignitatem vindicandam ratus,
primo sua sponte penetrare in hostium castra con-

4 stituit ; dein metuens ne, si consulum iniussu et
ignaris omnibus iret, forte deprehensus a custodibus
Romanis retraheretur ut transfuga, fortuna turn urbis

5 crimen adfirmante, senatum adit. "Transire Tibe-
rim," inquit, "patres, et intrare, si possim, castra
hostium volo, non praedo nec populationum in viccm
ultor : maius, si di iuvant, in animo est facinus."
Adprobant patres. Abdito intra vestem ferro profi-

6 ciscitur. Ubi eo venit, in confertissima turba prope

7 regium tribunal constitit. Ibi cum stipendium mili-
tibus forte daretur, et scriba cum rege sedens pari
fere ornatu multa ageret eumque milites 1 volgo adi-
rent, timens sciscitari uter Porsinna esset, ne igno-
rando regem semet ipse aperiret quis esset, quo
temere traxit fortuna facinus, scribam pro rege ob-

8 truncat. Vadentem inde, qua per trepidam turbam

cruento mucrone sibi ipse fecerat viam, cumconcursu

ad clamorem facto conprehensum regii satellites

retraxissent, ante tribunal regis destitutus, turn quo-

1 eumque milites Aid. : eunme milites R : eum nomilites
D : eum nemilites L: eum milites fl.

256

BOOK II. xii. 2-8

the days of their servitude when they lived under b.c. 508
kings, been blockaded in a war by any enemies, they
should now, when free, be besieged by those same
Etruscans whose armies they had so often routed,
made up his mind that this indignity must be avenged
by some great and daring deed. At first he intended
to make his way to the enemy's camp on his own
account. Afterwards, fearing that if he should go
unbidden by the consuls and without anyone's know-
ing it, he might chance to be arrested by the
Roman sentries and brought back as a deserter — a
charge which the state of the City would confirm —
he went before the senate. " I wish," said he, "to
cross the river, senators, and enter, if I can, the
enemy's camp — not to plunder or exact reprisals for
their devastations : I have in mind to do a greater
deed, if the gods grant me their help." The Fathers
approved. Hiding a sword under his dress, he set
out. Arrived at the camp, he took up his stand in
the thick of the crowd near the royal tribunal. It
happened that at that moment the soldiers were
being paid ; a secretary who sat beside the king,
and wore nearly the same costume, was very busy,
and to him the soldiers for the most part addressed
themselves. Mucius was afraid to ask which was
Porsinna, lest his ignorance of the king's identity
should betray his own, and following the blind
guidance of Fortune, slew the secretary instead of
the king. As he strode off through the frightened
crowd, making a way for himself with his bloody
blade, there was an outcry, and thereat the royal
guards came running in from every side, seized him
and dragged him back before the tribunal of the
king. But friendless as he was, even then, when

257

LIVY

a.u.c. que inter tantas fortunae minas metuendus uia^is
246 4 n

9 quam metuens, " Romanus sum, inquit, "civis;

C. Mucium vocant. Hostis hostem occidere volui,

nec ad mortem minus animi est quam fuit ad cae-

10 dem : et facere et pati fortia Romanum est. Nec
unus in te ego hos animos gessi ; longus post me
ordo est idem petentium decus. Proinde in hoc dis-
crimen, si iuvat, accingere, ut in singulas boras capite
dimices tuo, ferrum hostemque in vestibulo habeas

11 regiae. Hoc tibi iuventus Romana indicimus bellum.
Nullam aciem, nullum proelium timueris ; uni tibi et

12 cum singulis res erit." Cum rex simul ira infensus
periculoque conterritus circumdari ignes minitabun-
dus iuberet nisi expromeret propere quas insidiarum

13 sibi minas per ambages iaceret, "En tibi/' inquit,
"ut sentias quam vile corpus sit iis qui magnam
gloriam vident," dextramque accenso ad sacrificium
foculo inicit. Quam cum velut alienato ab sensu
torreret ammo, prope attonitus miraculo rex cum ab
sede sua prosiluisset amoverique ab altaribus iuvenem

14 iussisset, "Tu1 vero abi/' inquit, "in te magis quam
in me hostilia ausus. Iuberem macte virtute esse,
si pro mea patria ista virtus staret ; nunc iure belli
liberum te intactum inviolatumque hinc dimitto."

15 Tunc Mucius quasi remunerans meritum " Quando

1 tu Mg- : turn

25s

BOOK II. xii. 8-15

Fortune wore so menacing an aspect, yet as one b.o. 508
more to be feared than fearing, " I am a Roman
citizen/' he cried ; "men call me Gaius Mucius. I
am your enemy, and as an enemy I would have slain
you ; I can die as resolutely as I could kill : both to
do and to endure valiantly is the Roman way. Nor
am I the only one to carry this resolution against
you : behind me is a long line of men who are seek-
ing the same honour. Gird yourself therefore, if
you think it worth your while, for a struggle in
which you must fight for your life from hour to hour
with an armed foe always at your door. Such is the
war we, the Roman youths, declare on you. Fear no
serried ranks, no battle ; it will be between yourself
alone and a single enemy at a time." The king, at
once hot with resentment and aghast at his danger,
angrily ordered the prisoner to be flung into the
flames unless he should at once divulge the plot
with which he so obscurely threatened him. Where-
upon Mucius, exclaiming, "Look, that you may see
how cheap they hold their bodies whose eyes are
fixed upon renown!" thrust his hand into the fire
that was kindled for the sacrifice. When he allowed
his hand to burn as if his spirit were unconscious
of sensation, the king was almost beside himself
with wonder. He bounded from his seat and bade
them remove the young man from the altar. " Do
you go free," he said, "who have dared to harm
yourself more than me. I would invoke success
upon your valour, were that valour exerted for
my country; since that may not be, I release you
from the penalties of war and dismiss you scath-
less and uninjured." Then Mucius, as if to requite
his generosity, answered, "Since you hold bravery

259

LIVY

a.u.c. quidem. lnquit, "est apud te virtuti honos, ut bene-

246 /. . , . ....

ncio tulens a me quod minis nequisti : trecenti
coniuravimus principes iuventutis Romanae, ut in te
16 hac via grassaremur. Mea prima sors fuit ; ceteri,
ut cuiusque 1 ceciderit primi, quoad te opportunum
fortuna dederit, suo quisque tempore aderunt."

XIII. Mucium dimissum, cui postea Scaevolae a
clade dextrae manus cognomen inditum, legati a

2 Porsinna Romam secuti sunt ; adeo moverat eum et
primi periculi casus, a quo 2 nihil se praeter errorem
insidiatoris texisset, et subeunda dimicatio totiens
quot coniurati superessent, ut pacis condiciones ultro

3 ferret Romanis. Iactatum in condicionibus nequi-
quam de Tarquiniis in regnum restituendis, magis
quia id negare ipse nequiverat Tarquiniis quam quod

4 negatum iri sibi ab Romanis ignoraret. De agro
Veientibus restituendo impetratum, expressaque ne-
cessitas obsides dandi Romanis, si Ianiculo prae-
sidium deduci vellent. His condicionibus composita
pace exercitum ab Ianiculo deduxit Porsinna et agro

5 Romano excessit. Patres C. Mucio virtutis causa
trans Tiberim agrum dono dedere quae postea sunt
Mucia prata appellata.

6 Ergo ita honorata virtute feminae quoque ad pub-
lica decora excitatae, et Cloelia virgo, una ex obsi-

1 ut cuiusque Madvig i utcumque H.

2 a quo Heumann : quo &.

260

1 i.e. "Left-handed."

BOOK II. xii. 15-xin. 6

in honour, my gratitude shall afford you the infor- b.c. 508
mation your threats could not extort : we are three
hundred, the foremost youths of Rome, who have
conspired to assail you in this fashion. I drew the
first lot; the others, in whatever order it falls to
them, will attack you, each at his own time, until
Fortune shall have delivered you into our hands."

XIII. The release of Mucius, who was afterwards
known as Scaevola,1 from the loss of his right hand,
was followed by the arrival in Rome of envoj7s from
Porsinna. The king had been so disturbed, what
with the hazard of the first attack upon his life,
from which nothing but the blunder of his assailant
had preserved him, and what with the anticipation
of having to undergo the danger as many times more
as there were conspirators remaining, that he volun-
tarily proposed terms of peace to the Romans. In
these terms Porsinna suggested, but without effect,
that the Tarquinii should be restored to power, more
because he had been unable to refuse the princes
this demand upon their behalf than that he was
ignorant that the Romans would refuse it. In ob-
taining the return of their lands to the Veientes
he was successful ; and the Romans were compelled
to give hostages if they wished the garrison to be
withdrawn from Janiculum. On these terms peace
was made, and Porsinna led his army down from
Janiculum and evacuated the Roman territory. The
Fathers bestowed on Gaius Mucius, for his bravery,
a field across the Tiber, which was later known as
the Mucian Meadows.

Now when courage had been thus distinguished,
even the women were inspired to deeds of patriotism.
Thus the maiden Cloelia, one of the hostages, eluded

261

LIVY

dibus, cum castra Etruscorum forte baud procul ripa
Tiberis locata essent, frustrata custodes, dux agminis
virginum inter tela bostium Tiberim tranavit sospi-

7 tesque omnes Romam ad propinquos restituit. Quod
ubi regi nuntiatum est, primo incensus ira oratores
Romam misit ad Cloeliam obsidem deposcendam :

8 alias haud magni facere ; deinde in admirationem
versus supra Coclites Muciosque dicere id facinus
esse, et prae se ferre quemadmodum, si non de-
datur obses, pro rupto foedus se habiturum, sic dedi-
tam intactam inviolatamque 1 ad suos remissurum.

9 Utrimque constitit fides : et Romani pignus pacis ex
foedere restituerunt, et apud regem Etruscum non
tuta solum sed honorata etiam virtus fuit, laudatam-
que virginem parte obsidum se donare dixit; ipsa

10 quos vellet legeret. Productis omnibus elegisse im-
pubes dicitur, quod et virginitati decorum et con-
sensu obsidum ipsorum probabile erat earn aetatem
potissimum liberari ab hoste quae maxime opportuna

11 iniuriae esset. Pace redintegrata Romani novam in
femina virtutem novo genere honoris, statua equestri,
donavere : in summa Sacra via fuit posita 2 virgo insi-
dens equo.

XIV. Huic tarn pacatae profectioni ab urbe regis
Etrusci abhorrens mos traditus ab antiquis usque ad

1 intactam inviolatamque Frobenius : inuiolatamque n.
3 fuit posita n : posita Novak, Weissenbom-Mulhr.

262

BOOK II. xni. 6-xiv. i

the sentinels, when it chanced that the Etruscans had b.c. 508
encamped not far from the bank of the Tiber, and
heading a band of girls swam the river and, under a
rain of hostile darts, brought them all back in safety
to their kinsmen in Rome. When this had been
reported to the king, he was at first enraged and sent
emissaries to Rome to demand that the hostage
Cloelia be given up, for he made no great account of
the others. Then, admiration getting the better of
anger, he asserted that her feat was a greater one
than those of Codes and Mucius, and declared that
although in case the hostage was not returned he
should regard the treaty as broken, yet if she were
restored to him he would send her back safe and
inviolate to her friends. Both parties kept their
word. The Romans returned the pledge of peace, as
the treaty required; and the Etruscan king not only
protected the brave girl but even honoured her, for
after praising her heroism he said that he would
present her with half the hostages, and that she
herself should choose the ones she wished. When
they had all been brought out it is said that she
selected the young boys, because it was not only
more seemly in a maiden, but was unanimously ap-
proved by the hostages themselves, that in delivering
them from the enemy she should give the preference
to those who were of an age which particularly
exposed them to injury. When peace had been estab-
lished the Romans rewarded this new valour in a
woman with a new kind of honour, an equestrian
statue, which was set up on the summit of the Sacred
Way, and represented the maiden seated on a horse.

XIV. This peaceful departure of the Etruscan
king from Rome is inconsistent with the custom
handed down from antiquity even to our own age,

263

LIVY

nostram aetatem inter cetera sollemnia manet, bona

2 Porsinnae regis vendendi. Cuius originem moris
necesse est aut inter bellum natam esse neque omis-
sam in pace, aut a mitiore crevisse principio quam
hie prae se ferat titulus bona hostiliter vendendi.

3 Proximum vero est ex iis quae traduntur Porsinnam
discedentem ab Ianiculo castra opulenta convecto ex
propinquis ac fertilibus Etruriae arvis commeatu
Romanis dono dedisse, inopi turn urbe ab longinqua

4 obsidione ; ea deinde, ne populo immisso diriperen-
tur hostiliter^ venisse^ bonaque Porsinnae appellata,
gratiam muneris magis significante titulo quam
auctionem fortunae regiae quae ne in potestate qui-
dem populi Romani esset.

5 Omisso Romano bello Porsinna^ ne frustra in ea
loca exercitus adductus videretur, cum parte copi-
arum filium Arruntem Ariciam oppugnatum mittit.

6 Primo Aricinos res necopinata perculerat; arcessita
deinde auxilia et a Latinis populis et a Cuniis tantum
spei fecere ut acie decernere auderent. Proelio inito
adeo concitato impetu se intulerant Etrusci ut fun-

7 derent ipso incursu Aricinos ; Cumanae cohortes arte
adversus vim usae declinavere paululurm effuseque
praelatos hostes conversis signis ab tergo adortae

264

BOOK II. xiv. 1-7

among other formalities observed at sales of booty, b.c. 50i
of proclaiming "the goods of King Porsinna." Such
a practice must either have arisen during the war and
have been retained when peace was made, or else
have had its origin in some kindlier circumstance
than would be suggested by the notice that an
enemy's goods were to be sold. The most credible
of the traditional explanations is that when Porsinna
retired from Janiculum he handed over his camp,
well stocked with provisions brought in from the
neighbouring fertile fields of Etruria, as a gift to
the Romans, who were then in a destitute condition
after the long siege. These supplies were then sold4
lest, if people were given a free hand, they might
plunder the camp like an enemy ; and they were
called the goods of Porsinna rather by way of im-
plying thankfulness for the gift than an auction of
the king's property, which was not even in the
possession of the Roman People.

On relinquishing his campaign against the Romans,
Porsinna was unwilling that he should appear to have
led his army into that region to no purpose, and ac-
cordingly sent a part of his forces, under his son
Arruns, to besiege Aricia. At first the Aricini were
paralysed with surprise. Afterwards the auxiliaries
whom they called in from the Latin peoples, and
also from Cumae, so encouraged them that they
ventured to measure their strength with the enemy
in the open field. When the battle began, the attack
of the Etruscans was so impetuous that they routed
the Aricini at the first charge. The Cumaean levies,
employing skill to meet force, swerved a little to
one side, and when the enemy had swept by them,
faced about and attacked them in the rear, with the

265

LIVY

a.u.c. sunt. Ita in medio prone iam victores caesi Etrusci.

246

8 Pars perexigua duce amisso, quia nullum propius
perfugium erat, Romam inermes et fortuna et specie
supplicum delati sunt. Ibi benigne excepti divisique

9 in hospitia. Curatis volneribus alii profecti domos,
nuntii hospitalium beneficiorum ; multos Romae hos-
pitum urbisque caritas tenuit. His locus ad habi-
tandum datus quem deinde Tuscum vicum appella-
runt.

a.u.0. XV. Sp. Larcius inde et T. Herminius, P. Lucretius

247-248

inde et1 P. Valerius Publicola consules facti. Eo
anno postremum legati a Porsinna de reducendo in
regnum Tarquinio venerunt. Quibus cum responsum
esset missurum ad regem senatum legatos, missi con-
2 festim honoratissimus quisque e patribus : non quin
breviter reddi responsum potuerit non recipi reges,
ideo potius delectos patrum ad eum missos quam
legatis eius Romae daretur responsum, sed ut in per-
petuum mentio eius rei finiretur, neu in tantis mu-
tuis beneficiis in vicem animi sollicitarentur, cum ille
peteret quod contra libertatem populi Romani esset,

1 Sp. Larcius inde et T. Herminius, P. Lucretius inde et
Madvig : the name Larcius is not in the MSS. ; his praenomen
is added to that of Lucretius or put in its place ; T. Herminius
is missing in the best MSS. ; Dion. Hal. v. 36, and Cassiodorius
give only the names of Sp. Larcius and T. Hermenius, and
Mommsen [O.I.L. ia. p. 99) therefore deletes the others. See
note in Conway and Walters.

266

BOOK II. xiv. 7-xv. 2

result that the Etruscans, caught between two lines, b.c. 508
almost in the moment of victory, were cut to pieces.
A very small number of them, having lost their leader
and finding no nearer refuge, drifted to Rome, un-
armed and with all the helplessness and the dejected
aspect of suppliants. There they were kindly re-
ceived and were quartered about among the citizens.
When their wounds had healed, some departed for
their homes to report the hospitality and kindness
they had met with, but many were persuaded to
remain in Rome by the affection they felt for their
hosts and for the City. To these a place of resi-
dence was allotted which was afterwards called the
Vicus Tuscus.

XV. Spurius Larcius and Titus Herminius were the b.c.
next consuls, and after them came Publius Lucretius 507~506
and Publius Valerius Publicola. In the latter year an
embassy was sent to Rome for the last time by Por-
sinna to negotiate for the restoration of Tarquinius
to power. To these envoys the senate replied that
they would send representatives to the king, and
they forthwith dispatched those of the Fathers who
were held in the highest esteem. It would not have
been impossible, they said, to reply shortly that the
royal family would not be received. It was not for
that reason that they had preferred to send chosen
members of the senate to him rather than to give
their answer to his ambassadors in Rome. But they
had desired that for all time discussion of that ques-
tion might be ended, and that where there were
so great obligations on both sides there might not
be mutual irritation, from the king's seeking that
which was incompatible with the liberty of the Roman
people, while the Romans, unless they were willing

267

L1VY

Romani, nisi in perniciem suam faciles esse vellent,

3 negarent, cui nihil negatum vellent. Non in regno
populum Romanum sed in libertate esse. Ita in-
duxisse in animum, hostibus potius quam regibus
portas patefacere ; ea esse vota 1 omnium ut qui

4 libertati erit in ilia urbe finis, idem urbi sit. Pro-
inde si salvam esse vellet Romam, ut patiatur libe-

5 ram esse orare. Rex verecundia victus " Quando id
certum atque obstinatum est/' inquit, "neque ego
obtundam saepius eadem nequiquam agendo, nec
Tarquinios spe auxilii, quod nullum in me est, frus-
trabor. Alium hinc, seu bello opus est seu quiete,
exilio quaerant locum, ne quid meam vobiscum paeem

6 distineat." Dictis facta amiciora adiecit : obsidum
quod reliquum erat reddidit, agrum Veientem foe-

7 dere ad laniculum icto ademptum restituit. Tar-
quinius spe omni reditus incisa exsulatum ad
generum Mamilium Octavium Tusculum abiit.
Romanis pax fida2 cum Porsinna fuit.

XVI. Consules M. Valerius P. Postumius. Eo
anno bene pugnatum cum Sabinis ; consules trium-
2 pharunt. Maiore inde mole Sabini bellum parabant.
Adversus eos et ne quid simul ab Tusculo, unde etsi
non apertum, suspectum tamen bellum erat, repentini

1 ea esse vota Hertz ; earn ea esse vota esse voluntatem
P : earn esse voluntatem CL.

2 fida Madvig : fida ita CI.

268

BOOK II. xv. 2-xvi. 2

to sacrifice their existence to their good nature, denied B.c.
the request of a man whom they would not will- 507-51
ingly have denied anything. The Roman people
were not living under a monarchy, but were free.
They had resolved to throw open their gates
to enemies sooner than to kings ; in this prayer
they were all united, that the day which saw
the end of liberty in their City might also see
the City's end. They therefore entreated him, if he
desired the welfare of Rome, to permit her to be
free. The king, yielding to his better feelings, made
answer: "Since this is your fixed resolve, I will
neither importune you with repeated insistence upon
a hopeless plea, nor will I deceive the Tarquinii with
the hope of aid which it is not in my power to grant.
Let them seek elsewhere, whether war or peace be
their object, for a place of exile, that nothing may
hinder my being at peace with you." His words
were followed by yet more friendly deeds. The
hostages remaining in his hands he returned, and
he gave back the Veientine land which he had taken
from the Romans by the treaty made on Janiculum.
Tarquinius, cut off from all hope of returning, de-
parted for Tusculum, to spend his exile in the home
of his son-in-law, Mamilius Octavius. The Romans
enjoyed an unbroken peace with Porsinna.

XVI. The consulship of Marcus Valerius and Pub- B.c.
lius Postumius. This year a successful war was waged 505_5<
against the Sabines, and the consuls triumphed. More
elaborate preparations for war were then made by
the Sabines. To confront them, and to prevent any
sudden peril arising from Tusculum, in which quarter
hostility, though not openly avowed, was none the

269

LIVY

periculi oreretur, P. Valerius quartum T. Lucretius

3 iterum consules facti. Seditio inter belli pacisque
auctores orta in Sabinis aliquantum inde virium

4 transtulit ad Romanos. Namque Attius Clausus,
cui postea Appio Claudio fuit Romae nomen, cum
pacis ipse auctor a turbatoribus belli premeretur nec
par factioni esset, ab Inregillo,1 magna clientium

5 comitatus raanu, Romam transfugit. His civitas data
agerque trans Anienem ; vetus Claudia tribus additis
postea novis tribulibus qui ex eo venirent agro appel-
late.2 Appius inter patres lectus haud ita multo post

6 in principum dignationem pervenit. Consules in-
festo exercitu in agrum Sabinum profecti cum ita
vastatione, dein proelio adflixissent opes hostium ut
diu nihil inde rebellionis timeri posset,3 triumphantes

7 Romam redierunt. P. Valerius, omnium consensu
princeps belli pacisque artibus, anno post Agrippa
Menenio P. Postumio consulibus moritur, gloria in-
genti, copiis familiaribus adeo exiguis ut funeri
sumptus deesset; de publico est datus. Luxere

8 matronae ut Brutum. Eodem anno duae coloniae
Latinae, Pometia et Cora, ad Auruncos deficiunt.

1 Inregillo Weiwnborn (cf. Mommsen, C.I.L. i\ 444) : cin
regillo M : cn rigillo M2PFUO : nc rigillo B\ c rigillo DL :
grigillo H : gillo R : Cn. Regillo j*.

a appellati Madvig : appellata H.

3 timeri posset Duktr : tiniere possent fl.

1 By 241 B.C. the number of tribes had grown to thirty-five.
After this date no new tribes were added, but newly incor-
porated districts were assigned to one or another of the
already existing tribes. Thus certain members of the

270

BOOK II. xvi. 2-8

less suspected, Publius Valerius was made consul for r.o.
the fourth time and Titus Lucretius for the second. 505-503
A schism which occurred between the advocates of
war and those of peace amongst the Sabines resulted
in the transfer of some part of their strength to the
Romans. For Attius Clausus, afterwards known at
Rome as Appius Claudius, himself a champion of
peace, was hard bested by the turbulent war-party,
and finding himself no match for them, left Inregillus,
with a large band of clients, and fled to Rome. These
people were made citizens and given land across the
Anio. The "Old Claudian Tribe" was the name used
later, when new tribesmen had been added, to desig-
nate those who came from this territory.1 Appius,
having been enrolled in the senate, came in a short
time to be regarded as one of its leading members.
The consuls led an army into the country of the
Sabines, and by wasting their fields, and afterwards
by a battle, so crushed the enemy's strength that
there could be no fear for a long time of any out-
break of hostilities in that region. They then re-
turned to Rome and triumphed, Publius Valerius,
universally regarded as the foremost citizen, both in
military and in civil qualities, died in the following
year, when Agrippa Menenius and Publius Postumius
were consuls. He was a man of extraordinary repu-
tation, but so poor that money was wanting for his
burial, and it was furnished from the treasury of the
state. He was mourned by the matrons as Brutus
had been. In the same year two Latin colonies,
Pometia and Cora, revolted to the Aurunci. The

Claudian Tribe lived elsewhere than in the district " across
the Anio," and those who came to Rome for elections from
the original seat of the tribe were called the " Old Claudian
Tribe." See note in Conway's edition of this Book.

271

LIVY

Cum Auruncis bellum initum, fusoque ingenti exer-
citUj qui se ingredientibus fines consulibus ferociter
obtulerat, omne Auruncum bellum Pometiam com-
9 pulsum est. Nec magis post proelium quam in proe-
lio caedibus temperatum est ; et caesi aliquanto
plures erant quam capti, et captos passim trucida-
verunt ; ne ab obsidibus quidem, qui trecenti accepti
numero erant, ira belli abstinuit. Et hoc anno
Romae triumphatum.

XVII. Secuti consules Opiter Verginius Sp. Cassms
Pometiam primo vi_, deinde vineis aliisque operibus

2 oppugnarunt. In quos Aurunci, magis iam inexpia-
bili odio quam spe aliqua aut occasione coorti, cum
plures igni quam ferro armati excucurrissent, caede

3 incendioque cuncta complent. Vineis incensis, multis
hostium volneratis et occisis, consulum quoque alte-
rum — sed utrum1 auctores non adiciunt — gravi vol-

4 nere ex equo deiectum prope interfecerunt. Romam
inde male gesta re reditum. Inter multos saucios
consul spe incerta vitae relatus.2 Interiecto deinde
haud magno spatio quod volneribus curandis sup-
plendoque exercitui satis esset, cum ira maiore3 turn

5 viribus etiam auctis Pometiae arma inlata. Et cum
vineis refectis aliaque mole belli iam in eo esset ut

1 sed utrum Hertz : sed verum nomen n : verum nomen
Alschefski. 2 relatus Duker : relictus CI.

3 ira maiore $- : ira maiore bellum H.

1 Livy has nowhere told us about these hostages. In
chap. xxii. 2 the same towns give the same number of
hostages. Obviously he has made distinct episodes out of

272

BOOK II. xvi. 8-xvn. 5

Aurunci were the first to be attacked. Upon the a.a
defeat of the great army which had boldly issued 505-503
forth to meet the invasion of their territory by the
consuls, the whole weight of the Auruncan war fell
upon Pometia. After the battle, as well as during
its progress, no quarter was given. The slain had
somewhat outnumbered the prisoners, and the pri-
soners were indiscriminately slaughtered. Even the
hostages, of whom three hundred had been received,
were not spared in the rage of war.1 This year also
a triumph was celebrated at Rome.

XVII. The consuls of the next year, Opiter Ver- B.c. 502
ginius and Spurius Cassius, attempted to capture
Pometia, first by assault and then by the use of
mantlets and other engines. Against their besiegers
the Aurunci, rather of an implacable hatred than for
any hope or opportunity offered, rushed out, armed
with firebrands for the most part, instead of swords,
and carried death and flames in all directions. The
mantlets were burned, many of their enemies were
wounded or slain, and one of the consuls — which
one the historians do not add — was seriously wounded,
thrown from his horse, and almost killed. The Romans
then marched home, defeated. Amongst the many
wounded they brought the consul, hovering betwixt
life and death. When a short time had elapsed, long
enough for healing wounds and recruiting the army,
they returned, with heightened resentment and also
with augmented forces, to the attack of Pometia.
They had repaired their mantlets and the rest of
their equipment, and they were already upon the

different versions of the same story, misled no doubt by the
different dates assigned by different annalists to the affair of
Pometia.

273

LIVY

6 in muros evaderet miles, deditio est facta. Ceterum
nihilo minus foeda dedita urbe quam si capta foret
Aurunci passi : 1 principes securi percussi, sub corona
venierunt coloni alii ; oppidum dirutum, ager veniit.

7 Consul es magis ob iras graviter ultas quam ob magni-
tudinem perfecti belli triumpharunt.

XVIII. Insequens annus Postumum Cominium et

2 T. Largium 2 consules habuit. Eo anno Romae, cum
per ludos ab Sabinorum iuventute per lasciviam
scorta raperentur, concursu hominum rixa ac prope
proelium fuit, parvaque ex re 3 ad rebellionem spec-

3 tare videbatur. Super 4 belli Sabini 5 metum id quo-
que accesserat, quod triginta iam coniurasse populos

4 concitante Octavio Mamilio satis constabat. In hac
tantarum exspectatione rerum sollicita civitate dicta-
tors primum creandi mentio orta. Sed nec quo
anno, nec quibus consulibus, quia ex factione Tar-
quiniana essent — id quoque enim traditur — parum
creditum sit, nec quis primum dictator creatus sit,

C satis constat. Apud veterrimos tamen auctores
T. Largium6 dictatorem primum, Sp. Cassium magis-

1 foeda . . . passi Madvig : foede . . . passim ft.

2 Largium CI : Larcium Madvig {with Dion. Hal. v. 1. 1)
from chap. xxi. 1. But Cassiodorius gives Largus, and it is
safer (with Conway and Walters) to follow the MSS. where, as
here, they agree.

3 ex re Gronov.: ex re res (or ex re . . . spectare res) ft.
* super Duktr : supra ft.

5 Sabini R*- : Latini ft : Conway and Walters bracket
supra . . . metum as a marginal summary.

6 Largium ft : Larcium (so in § 6, below).

274

BOOK II. xvn. 5-xviii. 5

point of sending their men against the walls when B.o. 502
the town capitulated. But the fate of the Aurunci
was no less awful from their having surrendered their
city than if it had been stormed. Their chief men
were beheaded, and the rest of the colonists were
sold as slaves.1 The town was razed ; its land was
sold. The consuls obtained a triumph, more because
they had heavily avenged Rome's wrongs than be-
cause of the magnitude of the war which they had
successfully concluded.

XVIII. The year after had as its consuls Postumius b.c. 501
Cominius and Titus Largius. In this year, during
the celebration of the games at Rome, the Sabine
youths, in a spirit of wantonness, forcibly abducted
certain harlots. Men gathered hastily and there was
a brawl which was almost a battle, and, trifling as its
origin was, it seemed to threaten a fresh outbreak
of the war.2 Besides the Sabine peril, it was gener-
ally known that the thirty Latin cities had already
conspired, at the instigation of Octavius Mamilius.
These grave apprehensions having occasioned a
general anxiety, the appointment of a dictator was
suggested, for the first time. But there is no general
agreement as to the year, or which consuls were
distrusted as being of the Tarquinian faction — for
this is included in the tradition — or who it was that
was first named dictator. In the oldest writers, how-
ever, I find it said that Titus Largius was the first
to be made dictator, and that Spurius Cassius was

1 Literally "under the crown," meaning a chaplet placed
on the head of a captive as an indication that he was a part
of the spoils.

1 Despite the apparently conclusive victory recorded in
chap. xvi. 6.

275

LIVY

trum equitum creatos invenio. Consulares legere ;

6 ita lex iubebat de dictatore creando lata. Eo magis
adducor ut credam Largium, qui consularis erat,
potius quam M'. Valerium 1 Marci filium 2 Volesi ne-
potem, qui nondum consul fuerat, moderatorem et

7 magistrum consulibus appositum ; quin,3 si maxime
ex ea familia legi dictatorem vellent, patrem multo
potius M. Valerium spectatae virtutis et consularem
virum legissent.

8 Creato dictatore primum Romae, postquam prae-
ferri secures viderunt, magnus plebem metus in-
cessit, ut intentiores essent ad dicto parendum.
Neque enim, ut in consulibus qui pari potestate
essent, alterius auxilium, neque provocatio erat neque

9 ullum usquam nisi in cura parendi auxilium. Sabinis
etiam creatus Romae dictator, eo magis quod propter

10 se creatum crediderant, metum incussit. Itaque
legatos de pace mittunt. Quibus orantibus dicta-
torem senatumque ut veniam erroris hominibus
adulescentibus darent, responsum, ignosci adulescen-
tibus posse, senibus non posse, qui bella ex bellis

11 sererent. Actum tamen est de pace, impetrataque
foret, si, quod impensae factum in bellum erat, prae-
stare Sabini — id enim postulatum erat — in animum
induxissent. Bellum indictum : tacitae indutiae
quietum annum tenuere.

1 M'. Valerium Gruter : M. Valerium fl.

2 Marci filium Rhenanus : marci fufhim (or the like) CI.

3 quin Lthnert : qui (quis P) Cl.

1 But in 300 B.C. a lex Valeria de provocations gave the
people the right to appeal from the dictator.

276

BOOK II. xviii. 5-1 1

master of the horse. They chose men of consular u.c. 501
ranl^ for so the law prescribed which had been passed
to regulate the selection of a dictator. I am there-
fore the more disposed to believe that Largius, a
consular, rather than Manius Valerius, the son of
Marcus and grandson of Volesus, a man who had
not yet held the consulship, was assigned to be the
director and superior of consuls ; and indeed if men
had been specially desirous of choosing the dictator
from that family, they would much sooner have
selected Marcus Valerius the father, a man of proven
worth and an ex-consul.

When they had named a dictator for the first time
at Rome, and men saw the axes borne before him, a
great fear came over the plebs and caused them to
be more zealous in obeying orders. For there was
no recourse in this case, as with the consuls, who
shared the powers of their office equally, to the as-
sistance of the man's colleague, nor was there any
appeal nor any help anywhere but in scrupulous
obedience.1 The Sabines, too, were inspired with
fear by the appointment of the dictator, especially
since they believed that it was on their account that
he had been created. Accordingly they sent legates
to treat for peace. When they requested the dic-
tator and the senate to pardon an error committed
by young men, the answer was given that to pardon
young men was possible, but not old men who con-
trived one war after another. Nevertheless negotia-
tions for peace were begun, and it would have been
granted to the Sabines, could they have made up
their minds to guarantee, as the Romans demanded,
the sum which had been expended for the war.
Hostilities were declared, but a tacit truce preserved
a state of peace through the year.

277

LIVY

XIX. Consules Ser.1 Sulpicius M'. Tullius;2 nihil
dignum memoria actum. T. Aebutius deinde et

2 C. Vetusius. His consulibus Fidenae obsessae, Crus-
tumeria capta, Praeneste ab Latinis ad Romanos
descivit. Nec ultra bellum Latinum gliscens iam

3 per aliquot annos dilatum. A. Postumius 3 dictator
T. Aebutius magister equitum magnis copiis peditum
equitumque profecti ad lacum Regillum in agro Tus-

4 culano agniini hostium occurrerunt, et, quia Tar-
quinios esse in exercitu Latinoium auditum est,
sustineri ira non potuit quin extemplo confligerent.

5 Ergo etiam proeliuni aliquanto quam cetera gravius
atqtie atrocius fuit. Non enim duces ad regendam
modo consilio rem adfuere, sed suismet ipsi 4 cor-
poribus dimicantes miscuere certamina, nec quis-
quam procerum ferme hac aut ilia ex acie sine

G volnere praeter dictatorem Romanum excessit. In
Postumium prima in acie suos adhortantem instruen-
temque Tarquinius Superbus, quamquam iam aetate
et viribus erat gravior, equum infestus admisit, ictus-
que ab latere concursu suorum receptus in tutum

7 est. Et ad alterum cornu Aebutius magister equi-
tum in Octavium Mamilium impetum dederat, nec

1 Se.r. Sigonius (from Cic. Brut. 62, cf. Cassiod. GJ.L. i2.
p. 99): Servilius n {Dion. Hal. v. lii. 1).

2 M'. Tullius Sigonius (Dion. Hal. I.e.) : ru manlius tullus
(or the like) CI.

3 A. Postumius Sabellicus (Dion. Hal. vi. ii. 1) : aurelius
postumius n. * ipsi Gronov.: ipsis fl.

278

BOOK II. xix. 1-7

XIX. In the consulship of Servius Sulpicius and b.c.
Manius Tullius nothing worthy of note occurred. 600-41
They were succeeded by Titus Aebutius and Gaius
Vetusius. During their year of office Fidenae was
besieged, Crustumeria taken ; Praeneste went over
from the Latins to the Romans, and it was no longer
possible to postpone the Latin war, which had now
been smouldering for several years. Aulus Postu-
mius as dictator/ and Titus Aebutius as master of
the horse, set out with large forces of infantry and
cavalry, and at Lake Regillus, in the territory of
Tusculum, met the enemy's advancing column. The
Romans had learned that the Tarquinii were with
the Latin army, and were so enraged that they could
not be withheld from instantly attacking, and the
battle itself, in consequence of this report, was fought
with a good deal more determination and bitterness
than any other had been. For the leaders were not
only in the field to direct the engagement with their
strategy, but joined battle and fought in their own
persons. Almost none of the nobles on either side
came off unscathed, except the Roman dictator.
Postumius was in the front rank encouraging his
men and forming them, when Tarquinius Superbus,
though now burdened with years and broken in
strength, rode full-tilt against him. But the old
man received a thrust in the side, and his followers
rushed in and rescued him. Similarly on the other
wing, Aebutius, the master of the horse, charged
Octavius Mamilius. But the Tusculan commander

1 Postumius had not held the consulship, which in chap,
xviii. 5 Livy stated to have been a necessary qualification for
the dictatorship.

279

LIVY

a.u.c. fefellit veniens Tusculanum ducem, contra quern1 et
?5t-255 g .jje concj|.at eqUU111< Tantaque vis infestis venien-
tium hastis fuit, ut bracchium Aebutio traiectum sit,
9 Mamilio pectus percussum. Hunc quidem in secun-
dam aciem Latini recepere : Aebutius cum saucio
bracchio tenere telum non posset, pugna excessit.
10 Latinus dux nihil deterritus volnere proelium ciet
et, quia suos perculsos videbat, arcessit cohortem
exsulum Romanorum, cui L. Tarquini filius prae-
erat. Ea, quo 2 maiore pugnabat ira ob erepta bona
patriamque ademptam, pugnam parumper restituit.

XX. Referentibus iam pedem ab ea parte Romanis
M. Valerius Publicolae f rater conspicatus ferocem
iuvenem Tarquinium ostentantem se in prima exsu-
lum acie, domestica etiam gloria accensus, ut cuius

2 familiae decus eiecti reges erant, eiusdem interfecti
forent, subdit calcaria equo et Tarquinium infesto

3 spiculo petit. Tarquinius retro in agmen suorum
infenso cessit hosti. Valerium temere invectum in
exsulum aciem ex transverso quidam adortus trans-
figit, nec quicquam equitis volnere equo retardato
moribundus Romanus labentibus super corpus armis

4 ad terram defluxit. Dictator Postumius postquam
cecidisse talem virum, exsules ferociter citato agmine

5 invehi, suos perculsos cedere animadvertit, cohorti

1 contra quem fl : contraque Madvig.

2 Ea, quo MPRD : ea quo HL : ea quoniam 0 : eo quo
P*FUB : eoque M\

1 Of the sons of Tarquinius, Sextus's death is mentioned
in l. lx. 2 and that of Arruns in II. vi. 9. This must there-
tore have been Titus (i. lvi. 6).

280

BOOK II. xix. 7-xx. 5

saw him coming, and he too spurred his horse to
the encounter; and so great was the force in their
levelled lances as they met, that the arm of Aebutius
was transfixed, while Mamilius was struck in the
breast. Mamilius was received by the Latins within
their second line : Aebutius, being unable to manage
a weapon with his wounded arm, retired from the
battle. The Latin leader, not a jot discouraged
by his wound, urged on the righting, and, because
he saw that his men were in retreat, called up a
cohort of Roman exiles, commanded by a son of
Lucius Tarquinius,1 and these, fighting with greater
fury on account of the loss of their property and
native land, restored the battle for a while.

XX. When the Romans were now beginning to
give way in that part of the field. Marcus Valerius,
Publicola's brother, espied the young Tarquinius,
who was boldly inviting attack in the front rank
of the exiles. Valerius found in his brother's glory
an additional incentive, and resolving that the family
which had the honour of expelling the tyrants
should also gain the credit for their death, he dug
his spurs into his charger and rode at Tarquinius
with levelled spear. Tarquinius drew back within
the company of his followers to avoid his desperate
antagonist. Valerius was plunging blindly into the
exiles' line when one of them attacked him in the
flank and ran him through the body. But the rider's
wound did not check the career of his horse, and
the dying Roman came down in a heap upon the
ground with his arms upon him. When the dictator
Postumius perceived that so brave a soldier had fallen,
that the exiles were advancing boldly at the double,
and that his troops were checked and were giving

281

LIVY

a.d.c. suae, quam delectam manum praesidii causa circa se

254-255

habebatj dat signum ut quern suorum fugientem
viderint pro hoste habeant. Ita metu ancipiti versi

6 a fuga Romani in hostem et restituta acies. Conors
dictatoris turn primum proelium iniit ; integris cor-

7 poribus animisque fessos adorti exsules caedunt. Ibi
alia inter proceres coorta pugna. Imperator Latinus
ubi cohortem exsulum a dictatore Romano prope cir-
cumventam vidit, ex subsidiariis manipulos aliquot in

8 primam aciem secum rapit. Hos agmine venientes
T. Herminius legatus conspicatus interque eos insig-
nem veste armisque Mamilium noscitans tanto vi
maiore quam paulo ante magister equitum cum hos-

9 tium duce proelium iniit, ut et uno ictu transfixum
per latus occiderit Mamilium et ipse inter spolian-
dum corpus hostis veruto percussus, cum victor in
castra esset relatus, inter primam curationem exspi-

10 raverit. Turn ad equites dictator advolat obtestans
ut fesso iam pedite descendant ex equis et pugnam
capessant. Dicto paruere: desiliunt ex equis, pro-
volant in primum et pro antesignanis parmas obi-

11 ciunt. Recipit extemplo animum pedestris acies,
postquam iuventutis proceres aequato genere pugnae
secum partem periculi sustinentes vidit. Turn de-
282

BOOK II. xx. 5-11

ground, he issued orders to his own cohort, a picked b.c.
body of men which he kept about his person as a 500~4'
guard, that if they saw any Roman running away
they should treat him as an enemy. Being thus
between two dangers, the Romans faced about to
meet the foe, and the battle-line was formed again.
The cohort of the dictator then entered the engage-
ment for the first time. With fresh strength and
spirit they attacked the weary exiles and cut them
to pieces. Then began another combat between
leaders. The Latin general, perceiving that the
cohort of the exiles was nearly cut off by the Roman
dictator, took a few companies of his reserves and
hurried them to the front. As they came marching
up, Titus Herminius, the lieutenant, caught sight of
them, and in their midst, conspicuous in dress and
accoutrements, he saw and recognized Mamilius.
Whereupon he hurled himself upon the enemy's
commander with so much more violence than the
master of the horse had done a little before, that
not only did he pierce Mamilius through the side
and slay him with a single lunge, but in the act of
stripping the body of his antagonist he was himself
struck by a hostile javelin, and after being borne off
in the moment of victory to the Roman camp, ex-
pired just as they began to dress his wound. The
dictator then dashed up to the knights and be-
sought them, since the foot-soldiers were exhausted,
to dismount and enter the fight. They obeyed :
they leaped down from their horses, hastened to
the front, and covered the front-rankers with their
shields. It restored at once the courage of the foot
to see the young nobles on even terms with them-
selves and sharing in the danger. Then at last the

LIVY

a.tt.c. mum impulsi Latini. perculsaque inclinavit acies.

254-255 _ . . . . . . .

12 Equiti admoti equi ut persequi hostem posset;
secuta et pedestris acies. Ibi nihil nec divinae nec
humanae opis dictator praetermittens aedem Castori
vovisse fertur ac pronuntiasse militi praemia qui

13 primus, qui secundus castra hostium intrasset; tan-
tusque ardor fuit ut eodem impetu quo fuderant
hostem Romani castra caperent. Hoc modo ad
lacum Regilluin pugnatum est. Dictator et magis-
ter equitum triumphantes in urbem rediere.

A.tr.c. XXI. Triennio deinde nec certa pax nec bellum

2o6 259 fuft, Consules Q. Cloelius et T. Larcius/ inde

2 A. Sempronius et M. Minucius. His consulibus aedis
Saturno dedicata. Saturnalia institutus festus dies.

3 A. deinde Postumius et T. Verginius consules facti.
Hoc demum anno ad Regillum lacum pugnatum
apud quosdam invenio ; A. Postumiuin^ quia collega
dubiae fidei fuerit, se consulatu abdicasse ; dictato-

4 rem inde factum. Tanti errores implicant temporum
aliter apud alios ordinatis magistratibus ut nec qui
consules secundum quos/ nec quid quoque anno
actum sit in tanta vetustate non rerum modo sed
etiam auctorum digerere possis.

1 Larcius XI: Lartius UO : Largius j-: Largus Cassiod.,
Mommsai, C.I.L. i.'J p. 99 {but Dion. Hal. v. lix. 1, has
Adpxios).

* quos Crevier : quosdam H.

1 The Saturnalia proper fell on December 17, though as
many as seven days came to be devoted to the popular cele-

284

BOOK II. xx. n-xxi. 4

Latins received a check, and their battle-line was b.c.
forced to yield. The knights had their horses brought 50(M99
up that they might be able to pursue the enemy, and
they were followed by the infantry. Then the dictator,
neglecting no help, divine or human, is said to have
vowed a temple to Castor, and to have promised re-
wards to the soldiers who should be first and second
to enter the camp of the enemy ; and so great was
the ardour of the Romans, that with a single rush
they routed their opponents and took their camp.
Such was the battle at Lake Regillus. The dictator
and his master of the horse returned to the City and
triumphed.

XXI. For the next three years there was neither Bc-
a stable peace nor war. The consuls Quintus Cloelius 438-495
and Titus Larcius were followed by Aulus Sempro-
nius and Marcus Minucius. In the latter year a
temple to Saturn was dedicated and the Saturnalia
was established as a festal day.1 Next Aulus Postu-
mius and Titus Verginius were made consuls. It was
not until this year, according to some authorities I
have consulted, that the battle of Lake Regillus was
fought. They say that Aulus Postumius, because
his colleague was of doubtful loyalty, resigned the
consulship, and was then made dictator. One is in-
volved in so many uncertainties regarding dates by
the varying order of the magistrates in different lists
that it is impossible to make out which consuls fol-
lowed which, or what was done in each particular
year, when not only events but even authorities are
so shrouded in antiquity.

bration of the festival (M'acrobius, I. x. 24), which was a sort
of carnival. As an old Italic feast it probably originated
earlier than Livy thought. See Macrobius i. viii. 1.

vol.. I.

28S

L

LIVY

a.u.c. 5 Ap. Claudius deinde et P. Servilius consules facti.

259

Insignis hie annus est nuntio Tarquini mortis. Mor-
tuus Cumis, quo se post fractas opes Latinorum ad

C Aristodemum tyrannum contulerat. Eo nuntio erecti
patres, erecta plebes. Sed patribus nimis luxuriosa
ea fuit laetitia : plebi, cui ad earn diem summa ope
inservitum erat, iniuriae a primoribus fieri coepere.

7 Eodem anno Signia colonia, quam rex Tarquinius
deduxerat, suppleto numero colonorum iterum de-
ducta est. Romae tribus una et viginti factae.
Aedes Mercuri dedicata est idibus Maiis.

XXII. Cum Volscorum gente Latino bello neque
pax neque bellum fuerat ; nam et Volsci compara-
verant auxilia quae mitterent Latinis, ni maturatum
ab dictatore Romano esset, et maturavit Romanus,
ne proelio uno cum Latino Volscoque contenderet.

2 Hac ira consules in Volscum agrum legiones duxere.
Volscos consilii poenam non metuentes necopinata
res perculit ; armorum immemores obsides dant tre-
centos principum a Cora atque Pometia liberos. Ita

3 sine certamine inde abductae legiones. Nec ita
multo post Volscis levatis metu suum rediit inge-
nium ; rursus occultum parant bellum Hernicis in

4 societatem armorum adsumptis. Legatos quoque ad
286

BOOK II. xxi. 5-xxn. 4

At the next election Appius Claudius and Publius b.c. 40$
Servilius were chosen consuls. This year was marked
by the announcement of Tarquinius's death. He
died at Cumae, whither he had gone to the court of
Aristodemus after the downfall of the Latin cause.
These tidings cheered the Fathers and encouraged
the plebs. But the Fathers were too inconsiderate,
in consequence of their rejoicing at this event ; and
the plebs, who up to this time had been most stu-
diously deferred to, began to feel the oppression of
the nobles. The same year the colony of Signia,
which King Tarquinius had planted, was recruited
with new colonists and established for the second
time. At Rome twenty-one tribes were formed.
The temple of Mercury was consecrated on the
fifteenth of May.

XXII. With the Volscian race there had been
during the Latin war neither peace nor open hos-
tilities ; for while the Volsci had raised levies to
send to the aid of the Latins, had the Roman dic-
tator not moved quickly, yet the Romans did move
quickly, that they might not have to fight both
nations in the same battle Upon this quarrel the
consuls led their legions into the country of the
Volsci, who, not expecting to be held to account
for their design, were surprised and overwhelmed.
They had no thought of resisting, and surrendered
as hostages three hundred children of the nobility
of Cora and Pometia, and so the legions were with-
drawn without a conflict. Yet it was not long before
the Volsci, being relieved of their alarm, resumed
their native duplicity ; again they made secret pre-
parations for war, and formed a military alliance with
the Hernici, while they also sent out envoys, this

287

LIVY

sollicitandum Latium passim dimittunt ; sed recens
ad Regillum lacum accepta cladis Latinos ira odioque
eius, quicumque arma suaderet, ne ab legatis quidem
violandis abstinuit; comprehensos Volscos Romam
duxere. Ibi traditf consulibus, indicatumque est

5 Volscos Hernicosque parare bellum Romanis. Relata
re ad senatum adeo fuit gratum patribus ut et capti-
vorum sex milia Latinis remitterent et de foedere,
quod prope in perpetuum negatum fuerat, rem ad

6 novos magistratus traicerent. Enimvero turn Latini
gaudere facto; pacis auctores in ingenti gloria esse.
Coronam auream Iovi donum in Capitolium mittunt.
Cum legatis donoque qui captivorum remissi ad suos

7 fuerant, magna circumfusa multitudo, venit. Per-
gunt domos eorum apud quem quisque servierant ;
gratias agunt liberaliter habiti cultique in calamitate
sua ; inde hospitia iungunt. Nunquam alias ante
publice privatimque Latinum nomen Romano im-
perio coniunctius fuit.

XXIII. Sed et bellum Volscum imminebat, et
civitas secum ipsa discors intestino inter patres ple-
bemque flagrabat odio, maxime propter nexos ob aes
2 alienum. Fremebant se foris pro libertate et im-

1 Xeither captives nor treaty were mentioned in chap. xx. ,
and Livy seems here to be following a different authorit}',
possibly Valerius of Antium, whom at xxxm. x. 8 he accuses
of exaggerating numbers.

2 The word nexus was used (1) of one who had borrowed
money by "binding" himself to work out the debt as a
virtual slave of his creditor, if unable to repay the money ;
(2) of one so " bound " and actually serving.

288

BOOK II. xxii. 4-XX111. 2

way and that, to instigate the Latins to rebellion, b.c. 495
But the disaster which had recently befallen the
Latins at Lake Regillus so filled them with rage and
hate against anyone who advised them to go to war,
that they did not even abstain from violating an
embassy, but seized the Volsci and brought them
to Rome. There they delivered them up to the
consuls with the information that the Volsci and
the Hernici were preparing to attack the Romans.
When this service had been reported to the senate
the Fathers were so grateful that they released to
the Latins six thousand captives, and referred the
question of a treaty, which they had all but refused
in perpetuity, to the incoming magistrates.1 Then,
indeed, the Latins rejoiced at the action they had
taken, and the advocates of peace were in great
repute. They sent a golden crown as a gift to the
Capitoline Jupiter. With the envoys who brought
the gift came the captives who had been restored to
their friends, a vast attendant multitude. Proceeding
to the homes of those whom they had severally
served, they thanked them for the liberality and
consideration which had been shown them in their
adversity, and entered into covenants of hospitality
with them. Never before had there been so close a
union, both official and personal, between the Latin
name and the Roman state.

XXIII. But not only was war with the Volsci im-
minent ; the citizens were at loggerheads among
themselves, and internal dissensions between the
Fathers and the plebs had burst into a blaze of
hatred, chiefly on account of those who had been
bound over to service for their debts.2 These men
complained loudly that while they were abroad fight-

2S9

LIVY

perio dimicantes domi a civibus captos et oppressos
esse, tutioremque in bello quam in pace et inter
hostis quam inter civis libertatem plebis esse; invi-
diamque earn sua sponte gliscentem insignis unius

3 calamitas accendit. Magno natu quidam cum om-
nium malorum1 suorum insignibus se in forum proie-
cit. Obsita erat squalore vestis, foedior corporis

4 habitus pallore ac macie perempti ; ad hoc promissa
barba et capilli efferaverant speciem oris. Noscita-
batur tamen in tanta deformitate, et ordines duxisse
aiebant aliaque militiae decora volgo miserantes eum
iactabant ; ipse testes honestarum aliquot locis pug-

5 narum cicatrices adverso pectore ostentabat. Scisci-
tantibus unde ille habitus, unde deformitas, cum
circumfusa turba esset prope in contionis modum,
Sabino bello ait se militantem, quia propter popula-
tiones agri non fructu modo caruerit, sed villa incensa
fuerit, direpta omnia, pecora abacta, tributum iniquo

6 suo tempore imperatum, aes alienum fecisse. Id
cumulatum usuris primo se agro paterno avitoque
exuisse, deinde fortunis aliis, postremo velut tabem
pervenisse ad corpus ; ductum se ab creditore non
in servitium, sed in ergastulum et carnificinam esse.

1 malorum Lipsius : maiorum fl.

290

BOOK II. xxiii. 2-6

ing for liberty and dominion they had been enslaved b.c. 495
and oppressed at home by fellow-citizens, and that
the freedom of the plebeians was more secure in
war than in peace, amongst enemies than amongst
citizens. This bitter feeling, which was growing
spontaneously, the notable calamity of one man
fanned into a flame. Old, and bearing the marks ot
all his misfortunes, the man rushed into the Forum.
His dress was covered with filth, and the condition
of his body was even worse, for he was pale and half
dead with emaciation. Besides this, his straggling
beard and hair had given a savage look to his coun-
tenance. He was recognized nevertheless, despite
the hideousness of his appearance, and the word
went round that he had commanded companies ; yet
other military honours were openly ascribed to him
by the compassionate bystanders, and the man him-
self displayed the scars on his breast which bore
testimony to his honourable service in various battles.
When they asked the reason of his condition and
his squalor, he replied, while the crowd gathered
about him much as though it were an assembly,
that during his service in the Sabine war not only
had the enemy's depredations deprived him of his
crops, but his cottage had been burnt, all his be-
longings plundered, and his flocks driven off. Then
the taxes had been levied, in an untoward moment
for him, and he had contracted debts. When these
had been swelled by usury, they had first stripped
him of the farm which had been his father's and his
grandfather's, then of the remnants of his property,
and finally like an infection they had attacked his
person, and he had been carried off by his creditor,
not to slavery, but to the prison and the torture-

291

LIVY

7 Inde ostentare tergum foedum recentibus vestigiis
verberum. Ad haec visa auditaque clamor ingens
oritur. Non iam foro se tumultus continet1 sed

8 passim totam urbem pervadit. Nexi 2 vincti solu-
tique se undique in publicum proripiunt, implorant
Quiritium fidem. Nullo loco deest seditionis volun-
tarius comes ; multis passim agminibus per omnes

9 vias cum clamore in forum curritur. Magno cum
periculo suo qui forte patrum in foro erant in earn

10 turbam inciderunt ; nec temperatum manibus foret,
ni propere consules, P. Servilius et Ap. Claudius, ad
comprimendam seditionem intervenissent. At in eos
multitudo versa ostentare vincula sua deformitatem-

11 que aliam. Haec se meritos dicere exprobrantes
suam quisque alius alibi militiam ; postulare multo
minaciter magis quam suppliciter ut senatum voca-
rent ; curiamque ipsi futuri arbitri moderatoresque

12 publici consilii circumsistunt. Pauci admodum pa-
trum, quos casus obtulerat, contracti ab consul ibus :
ceteros metus non curia inodo sed etiam foro arce-
bat, nec agi quicquam per infrequentiam poterat

13 senatus. Turn vero eludi atque extrahi se multitudo
putare,3 et patrum qui abessent non casu, non metu,
sed impediendae rei causa abesse, et consules ipsos

1 continet $- : sustinet n.

2 nexi Ji V : inexsui M : nexu n.

3 putare HD\ : putaret CI.

292

BOOK II. xxm. 7-13

chamber. He then showed them his back, disfigured b.c. 49:.
with the wales of recent scourging. The sight of
these things and the man's recital produced a mighty
uproar. The disturbance was no longer confined to
the Forum, but spread in all directions through the
entire City. Those who had been bound over, whether
in chains or not, broke out into the streets from every
side, and implored the Quirites to protect them. At
no point was there any lack of volunteers to join the
rising ; everywhere crowds were streaming through
the different streets and shouting as they hurried to
the Forum. Great was the peril of those senators
who happened to be in the Forum and fell in with
the mob, which would not indeed have stopped
short of violence had not the consuls, Publius Ser-
vilius and Appius Claudius, hurriedly intervened to
put down the insurrection. But the crowd turned
on them and displayed their chains and other hideous
tokens. These, they cried, were the rewards they
had earned, and they bitterly rehearsed the cam-
paigns they had each served in various places. They
demanded, in a manner much more threatening than
suppliant, that the consuls should convene the senate ;
and they surrounded the Curia, that they might them-
selves witness and control the deliberations of the
state. The consuls succeeded in collecting only a
few of the senators whom chance had thrown in their
way. The rest were afraid to enter not only the
Curia but even the Forum, and nothing could be done
because those present were too few. Whereat the
people concluded they were being flouted and put off,
and that the missing senators were absent not from
accident, nor fear, but with the intent to hinder action,
and that the consuls themselves were paltering ;

293

LIVY

tergiversari, nec dubie ludibrio esse miserias suas.

14 lam prope erat ut ne consulum quidem maiestas
coerceret iras hominum, cum, incerti morando an
veniendo plus periculi contraherent, tandem in sena-
tum veniunt; frequentique tandem curia non modo
inter patres sed ne inter consules quidem ipsos satis

15 conveniebat. Appius, vehementis ingenii vir, im-
perio consulari rem agendam censebat : uno aut
altero arrepto quieturos alios ; Servilius, lenibus
remediis aptior, concitatos animos flecti quam frangi
putabat cum tutius turn facilius esse.

XXIV. Inter haec maior alius terror : Latini equi-
tes cum tumultuoso ad volant nuntio Volscos infesto
exercitu ad urbem oppugnandam venire. Quae au-
dita— adeo duas ex una civitate discordia fecerat —

2 longe aliter patres ac plebem adfecere. Exsultare
gaudio plebes_, ultores superbiae patrum adesse dicere
deos; alius alium confirmare, ne nomina darent : cum
omnibus potius quam solos perituros ; patres mili-
tarent, patres arma caperent, ut penes eosdem peri-

3 cula belli, penes quos praemia essent. At vero curia
maesta ac trepida ancipiti metu et ab cive et ab
hoste Servilium consulem, cui ingenium magis popu-
lare erat, orare ut tantis circumventam terroribus
294

BOOK II. xxiii. 13-xxiv. 3

nor did they doubt that their misery was made a B.c. 495
jest. A little more and not even the majesty of the
consuls could have held in check the angry crowds
when the absent Fathers, uncertain whether they
should incur more danger by holding back or by
coming forward, finally came into the senate, and
the required number being at length assembled, not
only the senators, but even the consuls themselves
were unable to agree. Appius, a headstrong man,
was for settling the matter by the exercise of con-
sular authority ; when one or two men had been
arrested, the others, he said, would calm down.
Servilius, more inclined to gentle measures, believed
that it was safer, as well as easier, to assuage their
fury than to quell it.

XXIV. In the midst of the debate a greater alarm
arose from a new quarter, for some Latin horsemen
galloped up with the disquieting news that a Volscian
army was advancing to attack the City. This report
awoke very different feelings — so completely had
their dissensions divided the state into two — in the
Fathers and the plebs. The commons were jubilant ;
they said that the gods were taking a hand in punish-
ing the arrogance of the senators. They encouraged
one another not to give in their names ; it would
be better to perish all together than alone. Let
the Fathers serve, let the Fathers take up arms,
that those might incur the hazards of war who re-
ceived its rewards. The Curia, on the other hand,
was downcast and dismayed. In their twofold fear
— of their fellow-citizens and of the enemy — they
begged Servilius the consul, whose character ap-
pealed more to the people than did that of his
colleague, that he would extricate the state from

295

LIVY

4 expediret rem publicam. Turn consul misso senatu
in contionem prodit. Ibi curae esse patribus osten-
dit ut consulatur plebi ; ceterum deliberation! de
maxima quidem ilia sed tamen parte civitatis metum

5 pro universa re publica intervenisse. Nec posse, cum
hostes prope ad portas essent, bello praeverti se1
quicquam, nec, si sit laxamenti aliquid, aut plebi
honestum esse, nisi mercede prius accepta arma pro
patria non cepisse, neque patribus satis decorum per
metum potius quam postmodo voluntate adflictis

6 civium suorum fortunis consuluisse. Contioni deinde
edicto addidit fidem, quo edixit ne quis civem Ro-
manum vinctum aut clausum teneret, quo minus ei
nominis edendi apud consules potestas fieret, neu
quis militis, donee in castris esset, bona possideret

7 aut venderet, liberos nepotesve eius moraretur. Hoc
proposito edicto et qui aderant nexi profited extern -
plo nomina, et undique ex tota urbe proripientium
se ex privato, cum retinendi ius creditori non esset,
concursus in forum, ut sacramento dicerent, fieri.

8 Magna ea manus fuit, neque aliorum magis in Volsco
bello virtus atque opera enituit. Consul copias con-
tra hostem educit; parvo dirimente intervallo castra
ponit.

1 praeverti se Weissenbom : praeuertisse n : peruetisse M :
praeuerti Hertz.

296

BOOK II. xxiv. 3-8

the fearful perils with which it was beset. There- b.c. 495
upon the consul adjourned the senate and went
before the people. There he declared that the
Fathers were anxious to consult the interests of the
plebs, but that their deliberations concerning that
very important part — but only a part after all —
of the state had been broken off by their fears for
the entire nation. It was impossible, when the enemy
was almost at the city gates, to consider anything
before the war; and even if there should be some
slight respite in that regard, it was neither to the
credit of the plebs to refuse to arm for their country,
unless they should first receive a recompense, nor
honourable to the Fathers to be driven by fear into
passing measures for the relief of their fellow-citizens
which they would have passed later of their own
free will. He then confirmed his speech by a pro-
clamation in which he commanded that no one should
hold a Roman citizen in chains or durance so that he
should not be able to give in his name to the consuls,
and that none should seize or sell a soldier's pro-
perty so long as he was in camp, or interfere with
his children or his grandchildren. When this edict
had been published, the debtors who were present
at once enlisted, and from every quarter, all over
the City, they hastened from the houses where their
creditors no longer had the right to detain them,
and rushed into the Forum to take the military oath.
It was a great throng, nor were there any soldiers
whose courage and usefulness in the Volscian war
were more conspicuous. The consul led his troops
against the enemy, and pitched his camp at a short
distance from theirs.

297

LIVY

XXV. Proxima inde nocte Volsci, discordia Ro-
mana freti, si qua nocturna transitio proditiove fieri
posset/ temptant castra. Sensere vigiles, excitatus

2 exercitus, signo dato concursum est ad arma; ita
frustra id inceptum Voiscis fuit ; reliquum noctis
utrimque quieti datum. Postero die prima luce

3 Volsci fossis repletis vallum invadunt. Iamque ab
omni parte munimenta vellebantur, cum consul,
quamquam cuncti undique, et nexi ante omnes, ut
signum daret clamabant, experiendi animos militum
causa parumper moratus, postquam satis apparebat
ingens ardor, dato tandem ad erumpendum signo

4 militem avidum certaminis emittit. Primo statim
incursu pulsi hostes ; fugientibus, quoad insequi
pedes potuit, terga caesa ; eques usque ad castra
pavidos egit. Mox ipsa castra legionibus circum-
datis, cum Volscos inde etiam pavor expulisset, capta

5 direptaque. Postero die ad Suessam Pometiam, quo
confugerant hostes, legionibus ductis, intra paucos
dies oppidum capitur, captum praedae datum. Inde

6 paulum recreatus egens miles. Consul cum maxima
gloria sua victorem exercitum Romam reducit. De-
cedentem Romam Ecetranorum 2 Volscorum legati,

1 posset MPFUBO : possit HRDLAld.

2 Romam Ecetranorum FtL {written ec etr-) 5- : roma
mecetranorum M PR : roma matranorum (ce written over
-at-) B: romam cetranorum D : romam mecetranorum OH 1
romam macetranorum Z)2,- : Ecetranorum Crevier.

298

BOOK II. xxv. 1-6

XXV. The next night the Volsci, relying on the b.c. 495
lack of harmony among the Romans, attacked their
camp on the chance that the darkness might en-
courage desertions or treachery. But the sentries
perceived them, the army was roused, and, the signal
being given, rushed to arms. Thus the design of the
Volsci came to naught, and the remainder of the
night was devoted by both armies to sleeping. On
the following day at dawn the Volsci filled up the
trenches and assaulted the rampart, and soon they
were everywhere pulling down the palisades. On
every side the consul's men were clamouring for the
signal — none more loudly than the debtors. He
waited a moment, to test the temper of the soldiers.
When there could no longer be any doubt of their
great ardour, he finally gave the command for a
sortie and released them, eager for the fray. At the
very first onset the enemy were routed. While they
ran, the foot-soldiers struck at them from behind as
long as they could keep up the pursuit ; then the
horsemen drove them panic-stricken clear to their
camp. Soon the camp itself had been surrounded
by the legions, and when the Volsci had fled from it
in terror, it was taken and plundered. Next day
Servilius led his forces to Suessa Pometia, where the
enemy had taken refuge, and within a few days took
the town and gave it up to be sacked.1 This yielded
some slight relief to the soldiers, who needed it
badly. The consul led his army back to Rome, with
great honour to himself. As he was setting out on
his return thither ambassadors approached him from

1 But it had already been razed, as we read in chap. xvii. 6 —
another indication that Livy is reproducing different versions
of the same story (see chap. xvi. 9 and note).

299

LIVY

aamv rebus suis timentes post Pometiam captam, adeunt.
His ex senatus consulto data pax, ager adeniptus.

XXVI. Confestim et Sabini Romanos territavere ;
tumultus enim fuit verius quam bellum. Nocte in
urbem nuntiatum est exercitum Sabinum praeda-
bundum ad Anienem amnem pervenisse ; ibi passim

2 diripi atque incendi villas. Missus extemplo eo cum
omnibus copiis equitum A. Postumius, qui dictator
bello Latino fuerat ; secutus consul Servilius cum

3 delecta peditum manu. Plerosque palantes eques
circumvenit, nec advenienti peditum agmini restitit
Sabina legio ; fessi cum itinere turn populatione
nocturna^ magna pars in villis repleti cibo vinoque,
vix fugae quod satis esset virium habuere.

4 Nocte una audito perfectoque bello Sabino postero
die in magna iam spe undique partae pacis legati
Aurunci senatum adeunt, ni decedatur Volsco agro

5 bellum indicentes. Cum legatis simul exercitus
Auruncorum domo profectus erat ; cuius fama haud
procul iam ab Aricia visi tanto tumultu concivit
Romanos ut nec consuli ordine patres nec pacatum
responsum arma inferentibus anna ipsi capientes

6 dare possent. Ariciam infesto agmine itur, nec
300

BOOK It. xxv. 6-xxvi. 6

the Volsci of Ecetra, who were alarmed at their own B.c. 495
prospects, in view of the capture of Pometia. A
decree of the senate granted them peace, but took
away their land.

XXVI. Directly after this the Sabines also caused
an alarm at Rome — for it was indeed a turmoil
rather than war. One night the City got word
that a Sabine army bent on pillage had come as
near as the river Anio, and was there plundering
and burning farmhouses right and left. The Romans
at once dispatched in that direction all their cavalry,
under Aulus Postumius, who had been dictator in
the Latin war. He was followed by the consul
Servilius with a picked body of foot-soldiers. Many
stragglers were cut off by the cavalry and, when
the column of infantry drew near, no resistance was
offered by the Sabine troops. Exhausted not only
by their march but by their night of pillage as well,
a great part of them had gorged themselves in the
farmhouses with food and wine, and had scarcely
vigour enough to run away.

A single night having sufficed for hearing of the
Sabine war and ending it, men's hopes next day ran
high that peace was now assured in every quarter,
when legates from the Aurunci appeared before the
senate to say that unless the territory of the Volsci
were evacuated they should declare war. The Au-
runcan army had set out from home at the same time
with the legates, and the report that it had already
been seen not far from Aricia threw Rome into such
a state of confusion that it was impossible to bring
the matter regularly before the senate, or to return
a peaceful answer to a people who had already drawn
the sword, while they themselves were also arming.
They marched on Aricia in fighting order, joined

301

LiVY

procul inde cum Auruncis signa conlata proelioque
uno debellatum est.

XXVII. Fusis Auruncis victor tot intra paucos
dies bellis Romanus promissa consulis fidemque sena-
tus exspectabat, cum Appius et insita superbia animo
et ut collegae vanam faceret fidem, quam asperrime
poterat, ius de creditis pecuniis dicere. Deinceps
et qui ante nexi fuerant creditoribus tradebantur et

2 nectebantur alii. Quod ubi cui militi inciderat,
collegam appellabat. Concursus ad Servilium fiebat ;
illius promissa iactabant ; illi exprobrabant sua quis-
que belli merita cicatricesque acceptas. Postulabant
ut aut referret ad senatum, aut 1 auxilio esset consul

3 civibus suis, imperator militibus. Movebant consu-
lem haec, sed tergiversari res cogebat ; adeo in alte-
ram causam non collega solum praeceps erat2 sed
omnis factio nobilium. Ita medium se gerendo nec
plebis vitavit odium nec apud patres gratiam iniit.

4 Patres mollem consulem et ambitiosum rati, plebes
fallacem ; brevique apparuit adaequasse eum Appi

5 odium. Certamen consulibus inciderat uter dedi-
caret Mercuri aedem. Senatus a se rem ad populum
reiecit : utri eorum dedicatio iussu populi data esset,

1 aut Madvig : aut ut Cl. 2 praeceps erat j- : praeceperat n.
302

BOOK II. xxvi. 6-xxvn. 5

battle with the Aurunci not far from the town, and b.c. 495
in a single engagement finished the war.

XXVII. Having routed the Aurunci, and having
been, within a few days, victorious in so many wars,
the Romans were looking for the help which the
consul had promised and the senate guaranteed, when
Appius, partly out of native arrogance, partly to dis-
credit his colleague, began to pronounce judgment
with the utmost rigour in suits to recover debts. In
consequence, not only were those who had been
bound over before delivered up to their creditors, but
others were bound over. Whenever this happened
to a soldier he would appeal to the other consul.
The people flocked to the house of Servilius : it was
he who had made them promises ; it was he whom
they reproached, as each rehearsed his services in the
wars and displayed the scars he had received. They
demanded that he should either lay the matter before
the senate or lend his aid as consul to his fellow-
citizens, as general to his soldiers. They moved the
consul by this plea, but the situation forced him to
temporize, so vehemently was the other side sup-
ported, not only by his colleague, but by the entire
party of the nobles. And so he steered a middle
course, and neither avoided the dislike of the plebs
nor gained the goodwill of the Fathers. These con-
sidered him a pusillanimous consul and an agitator,
while the commons held him to be dishonest ; and it
was soon apparent that he was as cordially hated as
Appius. The consuls had got into a dispute as to
which should dedicate the temple to Mercury. The
senate referred the case to the people for decision.
Whichever consul should, by command of the people,
be entrusted with the dedication was to have charge

3°3

LIVY

A.u.c. eum praeesse annonae, mercatorum collegium insti-

6 tuere, sollemnia pro pontifice iussit suscipere. Popu-
lus dedicationem aedis dat M. Laetorio, primi pili
centurioni, quod facile appareret non tarn ad hono-
rem eius, cui curatio altior fastigio suo data essetj

7 factum quam ad consulum ignominiam. Saevire inde
utique consilium alter patresque ; sed plebi creve-
rant animi, et longe alia quam primo instituerant via

8 grassabantur. Desperato enim consulum senatusque
auxiliOj cum in ius duci debitorem vidissent, undique
convolabant. Neque decretum exaudiri consulis prae
strepitu et clamore poterat, neque cum decresset

9 quisquam obtemperabat. Vi agebatur, metusque
omnis et periculum,1 cum in conspectu consulis sin-
guli a pluribus violarentur, in creditores a debitoribus

10 verterant. Super haec timor incessit Sabini belli ;
dilectuque decreto nemo nomen dedit, furente Appio
et insectante ambitionem collegae, qui populari silen-
tio rem publicam proderetj et ad id quod de credita
pecunia ius non dixisset, adiceret ut ne dilectum

1 1 quidem ex senatus consulto haberet : non esse tamen
desertam omnino rem publicam neque proiectum
consulare imperium, se unum et suae et patrum

12 maiestatis vindicem fore. Cum circumstaret coti-
diana multitudo licentia accensa, arripi unum insig-

1 periculum M : periculum libertatis ft.

1 Mercury was the patron of trade.

3°4

BOOK II. xxvii. 5-12

of the corn-supply, to establish a guild of merchants/ B.c. 495
and perform the solemn rites in the presence of
the pontifex. The people assigned the dedication to
Marcus Laetorius, a centurion of the first rank — a
choice which would readily be understood as intended
not so much to honour Laetorius, to whom a com-
mission had been given which was too exalted for
his station in life, as to humiliate the consuls. Appius
and the Fathers were furious then, if they had not
been before ; but the plebeians had plucked up heart
and threw themselves into the struggle with far more
spirit than they had shown at first. For, despairing
of help from consuls and senate, they no sooner be-
held a debtor being haled away than they flew to
his assistance from every side. It was impossible
for the consul's decree to be heard above the din
and shouting, and when it had been pronounced
nobody obeyed it. Violence was the order of the
day, and fear and danger had quite shifted from the
debtors to the creditors, who were singled out and
maltreated by large numbers in full sight of the
consul. To crown these troubles came the fear of
a Sabine invasion. A levy was decreed, but no one
enlisted. Appius stormed and railed at the insidious
arts of his colleague, who, he said, to make himself
popular, was betraying the state by his inactivity ;
and to his refusal to give judgment for debt was
adding a fresh offence in refusing to hold the levy
as the senate had directed. Nevertheless the welfare
of the state was not wholly forgotten, nor the au-
thority of the consulate abandoned ; he would him-
self, single-handed, assert both his own and the
senate's majesty. When the usual daily throng of
lawless men was standing about him, he gave orders

3°5

LIVY

nem ducem seditionum iussit. Ille cum a lictoribus
iam traheretur, provocavit ; nec cessisset provoca-
tioni consul, quia non dubium erat populi iudicium,
nisi aegre victa pertinacia foret consilio magis et
auctoritate principum quam populi clamore ; adeo
13 supererant animi ad sustinendam invidiam. Crescere
inde malum in dies non clamoribus modo apertis
sed, quod multo perniciosius erat, secessione occul-
tisque conloquiis. Tandem invisi plebi consules
magistratu abeunt, Servilius neutris, Appius patribus
mire gratus.

XXVIII. A. Verginius inde et T. Vetusius consu-
latum ineunt. Turn vero plebs, incerta quales habi-
tura consules esset, coetus nocturnos, pars Esquiliis,
pars in Aventino facere, ne in foro subitis trepidaret

2 consiliis et omnia temere ac fortuito ageret. Earn
rem consules rati, ut erat, perniciosam ad patres
deferunt, sed delatam consulere ordine non licuit ;
adeo tumultuose excepta est clamoribus undique et
indignatione patrum, si, quod imperio consulari ex-
sequendum esset, invidiam eius consules ad senatum

3 reicerent. Profecto, si essent in re publica magis-
trate, nullum futurum fuisse Romae nisi publicum
concilium ; nunc in mille curias contionesque 1 dis-

1 After contionesque the MSS. give cum alia Esquiliis
alia in Aventino fiant concilia, which Wtcklein ejects as a
gloss derived from xxviii. 1.

306

BOOK II. xxvii. 12-xxvin. 3

to seize one who was a conspicuous leader in their B.c. 495
disturbances. The lictors were already dragging the
man away, when he appealed ; nor would the consul
have granted the appeal, for there was no question
what the decision of the people would be, had not
his obstinacy been with difficulty overcome, more by
the advice and influence of the nobles than by the
popular outcry, so steeled was he to endure men's
hate. From that moment the trouble grew worse
each day, and not only were there open disturb-
ances, but wrhat was far more pernicious, secret
gatherings and conferences. At last the consuls
whom the plebeians so hated went out of office.
Servilius had the goodwill of neither party, but
Appius was in high esteem with the senators.

XXVIII. Aulus Verginius and Titus Vetusius then b.c. 494
entered upon the consulship. Whereat the plebs,
uncertain what sort of consuls they would prove to
be, held nightly gatherings, some on the Esquiline
and others on the Aventine, lest if they met in the
Forum they might be frightened into adopting ill-
considered measures, and manage all their business
rashly and at haphazard. This seemed to the consuls,
as indeed it was, a mischievous practice. They laid
the matter before the Fathers, but their report could
not be discussed in an orderly fashion, so tumul-
tuously was it received, with shouts from every part
of the house and expressions of indignation from the
senators, that a thing which ought to have been
settled by an exercise of consular authority should
be invidiously referred by the consuls to the senate.
It was evident that if only there were magistrates
in the nation there would have been no assembly in
Rome but the assembly of the people ; as it was, the

3°7

LIVY

4 persam et dissipatam esse rem publicam. Unum
hercule virum — id enim plus esse quam consulem —
qualis Ap. Claudius fuerit, momento temporis discus-

5 surum illos coetus fuisse. Correpti consules cumj
quid ergo se facere vellent, nihil enim segnius mol-
liusve quam patribus placeat acturos, percuncta-
rentur, decernunt ut dilectum quam acerrimum

6 habeant : otio lascivire plebem. Dimisso senatu
consules in tribunal escendunt ; citant nominatim
iuniores. Cum ad nomen nemo responderet, cir-
cumfusa multitudo in contionis modum negare1 ultra

7 decipi plebem posse ; nunquam unum militem habi-
turos ni praestaretur fides publica; libertatem uni-
cuique prius reddendam esse quam arma danda, ut
pro patria civibusque, non pro dominis pugnent.

8 Consules quid mandatum esset a senatu videbant,
sed eorum qui intra parietes curiae ferociter loque-
rentur neminem adesse invidiae suae participem ;

9 et apparebat atrox cum plebe certamen. Prius
itaque quam ultima experirentur, senatum iterum
consulere placuit. Turn vero ad sellas consulum
propere2 convolavere3 minimus quisque natu patrum,
abdicare consulatum iubentes et deponere imperium
ad quod tuendum animus deesset.

XXIX. Utraque re satis experta turn demum

consules: f<rNe praedictum negetis, patres con-

1 negare Af~ : negaret n, 2 propere $- : prope fi.
3 convolavere CI : conuolare VM.

1 (1) to persuade the senate to content the people ; (2) to
coerce the people.

308

BOOK II. xxviii. 3-xxix. 1

government was broken up into a thousand separate B.c. 494
curias and meetings. One single man — a more sig-
nificant word than consul — of the type of Appius
Claudius, would have dispersed those assemblages in
a moment. When the consuls, thus upbraided, asked
the Fathers what then they desired them to do, and
promised that their conduct of the matter should be
no whit less strenuous and stern than the senate
wished, it was resolved that they should hold a levy
with the utmost severity : it was idleness that made
the plebeians lawless. Having adjourned the senate,
the consuls mounted the tribunal and cited the young
men by name. When no one answered to his name,
the crowd, which surrounded the speaker as in a
public meeting, declared that it was impossible to
deceive the commons any longer ; the consuls would
never have a single soldier unless a public guarantee
were given : liberty must first be restored to every
man before arms were given him, that he might
fight for his country and his fellow-citizens, not for
a master. It was clear to the consuls what the senate
had bidden them do ; but of all those who had
uttered truculent speeches within the wralls of the
curia they found not one at their side to share their
odium, and they saw before them a terrible struggle
with the people. Accordingly they thought it best,
before proceeding to extremities, to consult the senate
a second time. When it met, the youngest senators
all rushed up in hot haste to the seats of the consuls,
bidding them to abdicate their office and to lay down
an authority which they lacked the spirit to support.

XXIX. Having sufficiently weighed both the
courses open to them,1 the consuls finally said : "Lest
you should say that you had not been warned, Con-

3°9

LIVY

scripti, adest ingens scditio. Postulamus lit ii,
qui maxime ignaviam increpant, adsint nobis haben-
tibus dilectum. Acerrimi cuiusque arbitrio, quando

2 ita placet, rem agemus." Redeunt in tribunal;
citari nominatim unum ex iis qui in conspectu
erant dedita opera iubent. Cum staret tacitus
et circa eum aliquot hominum, ne forte violare-
tur, constitisset globus, lictorem ad eum consules

3 mittunt. Quo repulso turn vero indignum facinus
esse clamitantes qui patrum consulibus aderant, de-

4 volant de tribunali ut lictori auxilio essent. Sed ab
lictore, nihil aliud quam prendere prohibito, cum
conversus in patres impetus esset, consilium inter-
cursu rixa sedata est, in qua tamen sine lapide, sine
telo plus clamoris atque irarum quam iniuriae fuerat.

5 Senatus tumultuose vocatus tumultuosius consulitur,
quaestionem postulantibus iis qui pulsati fuerant,
decernente ferocissimo quoque non sententiis magis

6 quam clamore et strepitu. Tandem cum irae rese-
dissent, exprobrantibus consulibus nihilo plus sani-
tatis in curia quam in foro esse, ordine consuli

7 coepit. Tres fuere sententiae. P. Verginius rem
non volgabat ; de iis tantum qui fidem secuti P. Ser-
vili consulis Volsco, Aurunco, Sabinoque militassent

8 bello, agendum censebat. T. Largius non id tempus
esse ut merita tantummodo exsolverentur ; totam

BOOK II. xxix. i-8

script Fathers, we are on the verge of a great mutiny. B.c. 49-1
We demand that those who are loudest in accusing
us of cowardice stand by us while we hold the levy.
The most severe amongst you, since such is your
pleasure, shall guide our procedure." They returned
to the tribunal, and purposely commanded to cite by
name one of those who were present. When he stood
still without answering, in the midst of a little knot
of men who, fearing the possibility of violence, had
gathered round him, the consuls sent a lictor to him.
The lictor was driven back. Whereupon, with a cry
of " Shame ! " the senators who were attending the
consul rushed down from the tribunal to assist the
lictor. But when the mob turned from the officer,
whom they had merely prevented from arresting the
man, and assailed the senators, the consuls intervened
and checked the brawl, in which no stones had
been thrown nor any weapons used, and there were
more shouts and expressions of rage than hurts. The
senate was convened in confusion, and they deliber-
ated in still greater confusion. Those who had been
roughly handled demanded an investigation, and all
the more violent members urged the resolution, not
only with speeches but with shouts and uproar.
When at length their passions had subsided, and the
consuls berated them for showing as little sanity in
the Curia as the people had shown in the Forum,
they began to deliberate in an orderly manner.
Three proposals were made. Publius Verginius ad-
vised against a general relief : only those who, relying
on the promise of Publius Servilius the consul, had
fought in the Volscian, Auruncan, and Sabine wars
should, he thought, be considered. Titus Largius held
that this was no time for merely requiting services ;

311

LIVY

plebem acre alieno demersam esse, nec sisti posse ni
omnibus consulatur ; quin, si alia aliorum sit con-
9 dicio, accendi magis discordiam quam sedari. Ap.
Claudius, et natura immitis et efferatus, hinc plebis
odio illinc patrum laudibus, non miseriis ait sed
licentia tantum concitum turbarum, et lascivire magis

10 plebem quam saevire. Id adeo malum ex provoca-
tione natum ; quippe minas esse consulum, non im-
perium, ubi ad eos qui una peccaverint provocare

11 liceat. " Agedum/' inquit, f f dictatorem, a quo pro-
vocatio non est, creemus ; iam hie quo nunc omnia

12 ardent conticescet furor. Pulset turn mihi lictorem
qui sciet ius de tergo vitaque sua penes unum ilium
esse cuius maiestatem violarit." 1

XXX. Multis, ut erat, horrida et atrox videbatur
Appi sententia ; rursus Vergini Largique exemplo
haud salubres, utique Largi,2 quae totam fidem tolle-
ret. Medium maxime et moderatum utroque con-

2 silium V ergini habebatur ; sed factione respectuque
rerum privatarum, quae semper offecere officientque
publicis consiliis, Appius vicit, ac prope fuit ut dic-

3 tator ille idem crearetur ; quae res utique alienasset
plebem periculosissimo tempore, cum Volsci Aequi-

1 violarit R2?: uiolauit n.

2 A fter Largi Cl have putabant sententiam, which Gebhard
deletes.

312

BOOK II. xxix. 8-xxx. 3

the whole commons was submerged in debt, and b.c. 494
the situation could not be remedied unless provision
were made for all ; indeed, if some were treated in
one way and some in another, it would heighten the
discontent instead of allaying it. Appius Claudius,
naturally harsh, and rendered savage by the hatred
of the plebs on the one hand and the praises of the
Fathers on the other, said that it was not misery but
licence that had stirred up so great a hubbub, and
that wantonness was what ailed the plebs rather than
anger. That was precisely the mischief which the
appeal occasioned ; for the consuls might threaten
but could not command, when those who had shared
in the guilt might be constituted the court of appeal.
"Come," said he, "let us appoint a dictator, from
whom there is no appeal. At once this frenzy which
has now set everything ablaze will be stilled. Let
anybody strike a lictor then, knowing that the right
to scourge and behead him rests with that one man
whose majesty he has violated ! "

XXX. Many felt, and with reason, that the pro-
posal of Appius was stern and cruel ; on the other
hand those of Verginius and Largius were inexpedient
because of the precedent ; particularly that of Largius,
since it destroyed all credit. The most reasonable
and moderate plan, in its regard for both sides, was
held to be that of Verginius. But owing to party
spirit and consideration for private interests, things
which have always been hurtful to public delibera-
tions and always will be, Appius prevailed, and came
very near to being himself appointed dictator, a step
which would infallibly have estranged the commons,
and that at a most dangerous moment, since the
Volsci, the Aequi, and the Sabines were all, as it

3*3

LIVY

A266°* 4 Quc e* Sabini forte una omnes in armis essent. Sed
curae fuit consulibus et senioribus patrum, ut magis-
trates 1 imperio suo vehemens mansueto permitte-

5 retur ingenio. M'. Valerium dictatorem Volesi filium
creant. Plebes etsi adversus se creatum dictatorem
videbat, tamen cum provocationem fratris lege babe-
ret, nihil ex ea familia triste nec superbum timebat.

6 Edictum deinde a dictatore propositum confirmavit
animos Servili fere consulis edicto conveniens ; sed
et homini et potestati melius rati credi omisso certa-

7 mine nomina dedere. Quantus nunquam ante exer-
citus, legiones decern effectae ; ternae inde datae
consulibus, quattuor dictator usus.

8 Nec iam poterat bellum differri. Aequi Latinum
agrum invaserant. Oratores Latinorum ab senatu
petebant ut aut mitterent subsidium aut se ipsos

9 tuendorum finium causa capere arma sinerent. Tu-
tius visum est defendi inermes Latinos quam pati
retractare arma. Vetusius consul missus est ; is finis
populationibus fuit. Cessere Aequi campis locoque
magis quam armis freti summis se iugis montium

10 tutabantur. Alter consul in Volscos profectus, ne et
ipse tereret tempus, vastandis maxime agris hostem
1 magistratus was inserted by Ileerwagen.

1 That 13 to say, in general ; from a dictator, however,
there was no appeal until a later period.

3X4

BOOK II. xxx. 3-10

chanced, up in arms at once. But the consuls and b.c. 494
the older senators saw to it that a magistracy ren-
dered formidable by its paramount authority should
be committed to a man of gentle disposition, and
chose for dictator Manius Valerius, son of Volesus.
The plebs, though they perceived that it was against
themselves that the creation of a dictator was aimed,
still, since it was through a law proposed by a brother
of Valerius that they possessed the right of appeal,1
they had no fear of any harsh or oppressive act on
the part of one of that family. An edict which the
dictator soon promulgated strengthened their confi-
dence. It conformed essentially to the edict of Ser-
vilius; but Valerius and the office he held commanded
greater confidence, and, ceasing to struggle, men gave
in their names. So large an army had never been
enrolled before. Ten legions were embodied ; each
consul wras given three of these, and the dictator
had four.

Nor could war be deferred any longer, for the
Aequi had invaded Latin territory. Emissaries from
the Latins begged the senate either to send them
help or permit them to take up arms themselves in
defence of their country.2 It seemed safer that the
Latins should be defended without arming them,
than that they should be suffered to resume their
weapons. Vetusius the consul was dispatched to
them, and this ended the pillaging. The Aequi left
the fields, and trusting more to situation than to
arms, secured themselves on the summits of the
ridges. The other consul marched against the Volsci.
Lest he too might waste his time, he provoked the

2 Apparently the Latins, perhaps after the battle of Lake
Regillus (chap. xix. f. ), had been denied the right to make
war, save at the pleasure of the Romans.

315

LIVY

A.u.c. ad conferenda propius castra dimicand unique acie

11 excivit. Medio inter castra campo ante suum quis-

12 que vallum infestis signis constitere. Multitudine
aliquantum Volsci superabant ; itaque effusi et con-
temptim pugnam iniere. Consul Romanus nec pro-
movit aciem nec clamorem reddi passus defixis pilis
stare suos iussit : ubi ad manum venisset hostis, turn

13 coortos 1 tota vi gladiis rem gerere. Volsci cursu et
clamore fessi cum se velut stupentibus metu intulis-
sent Romanis, postquam impressionem sensere ex
adverso factam et ante oculos micare gladios, baud
secus quam si in2 insidias incidissent, turbati vertunt
terga ; et ne ad fugam quidem satis virium fuit, quia

14 cursu in proelium ierant. Romani contra, quia prin-
cipio pugnae quieti steterant, vigentes corporibus,
facile adepti fessos et castra impetu ceperunt et
castris exutum hostem Velitras persecuti uno agmine

16 victores cum victis in urbem inrupere ; pi usque ibi
sanguinis promiscua omnium generum caede quam
in ipsa dimicatione factum. Paucis data venia, qui
inermes in deditionem venerunt.

XXXI. Dum haec in Volscis geruntur, dictator
Sabinos, ubi longe plurimum belli fuerat, fundit
2 exuitque 3 castris. Equitatu immisso mediam turba-

1 coortos VI: cohortos (or -es) H.

2 quam si in : quam M : quam si CI.

3 exuitque Walters : fugatque exuit Cl : f ugaque exuitque M.
316

BOOK II. xxx. io-xxxi. 2

enemy, chiefly by ravaging their lands, to bring their e.c. 494
camp nearer and do battle with him. In the plain
between the camps the two armies formed their
lines, each in front of its own stockade. In numbers
the Volsci were somewhat superior, and accordingly
they came on in a loose and careless order. The
Roman consul did not advance, nor did he allow a
response to the enemy's shout. He commanded his
men to plant their spears in the ground and stand
still until the enemy had come to close quarters ;
then they were to assail them with all their might,
and settle the question with the sword. The Volsci,
weary with running and shouting, hurled themselves
upon the Romans, who seemed to be numb with fear.
But when the attackers found that their charge was
firmly met and saw the swords flash in their faces,
they were no whit less confounded than if they had
fallen into an ambush, and turned and fled; and even
flight was be}Tond their strength, since they had been
running as they entered the battle. The Romans on
the contrary, having stood at ease at the begin-
ning of the fight, were fresh and strong ; they
readily caught up with the exhausted Volsci, and
having taken their camp with a rush, pursued their
enemies beyond it to Velitrae, where vanquished and
victors burst into the city in one body. More blood
was shed there, in the promiscuous slaughter of all
sorts of people, than had been in the battle itself.
A very few were granted quarter, having come with-
out arms and given themselves up.

XXXI. While these things were going on in the
Volscian country, the dictator put to rout the Sabines
— by far Rome's most important enemy — and cap-
tured their camp. Attacking with his cavalry, he

VOL. I.

3i7

M

LIVY

verat hostium aciem, quam,1 dum se cornua latius
pandunt, parum apte introrsum ordinibus 2 firmave-
rant ; turbatos pedes invasit. Eodem impetu castra

3 capta debellatumque est. Post pugnam ad Regillum
lacum non alia illis annis pugna clarior fuit. Dictator
triumphans urbem invehitur. Super solitos honores
locus in circo ipsi posterisque ad spectaculum datus,

4 sella in eo loco curulis posita. Volscis devictis Veli-
ternus ager ademptus ; Velitras coloni ab urbe missi
et colonia deducta. Cum Aequis post aliquanto pug-
natum est invito quidem consul e, quia loco iniquo

5 subeundum erat ad hostes ; sed milites extrabi rem
criminantes ut dictator, priusquam ipsi redirent in
urbem magistratu abiret, inritaque, sicut ante con-
sulis, promissa eius caderent, perpulere ut forte

6 temere in adversos montes agmen erigeret. Id male
commissum ignavia hostium in bonum vertit qui,
priusquam ad coniectum teli veniretur, obstupefacti
audacia Romanorum relictis castris, quae munitissimis
tenuerant locis, in aversas3 valles desiluere. Ibi4
satis praedae et victoria incruenta fuit.

7 Ita trifariam re bello bene gesta, de domesticarum
rerum eventu nec patribus nec plebi cura deces-

1 quam D?\ quia OH: qua d.

a ordinibus Gronov.: ordinibus aciem n.

3 aversas Tan. Faber : aduersas n. * Ibi : ubi n.

1 That this apparently unique distinction was actually
conferred on the Valerii is confirmed by an honorary inscrip-
tion (C.I.L. i. 284).

BOOK II. xxxi. 2-7

made havoc of their centre, which, in extending b.c. 494
their wings too widely, they had unduly weakened ;
and in the midst of the disorder the infantry assailed
them. By a single rush the camp was captured and
the war ended. From the time of the fight at Lake
Regillus no other battle of those days was more
famous. The dictator entered the City in triumph.
In addition to the customary honours a place was
assigned him in the circus, for himself and his de-
scendants, to witness the games, and a curule chair
was put there for him.1 The Volsci, having been
conquered, were deprived of the Veliternian land ;
colonists were sent from the City to Velitrae and a
colony was planted. Soon after this there was a
battle with the Aequi, though the consul was against
it, for it was necessary to approach the enemy from
unfavourable ground ; but his men accused him of
dragging out the campaign in order that the dictator
might relinquish his office before their return to the
City, and his promises thus come to naught, as
the consuls promises had done before. Vetusius was
thus driven to order an advance at random, up the
mountains which confronted him. This ill-advised
measure the enemy's cowardice turned into success,
for before the Romans had come within a spear's
throw, the Aequi, appalled at their audacity, aban-
doned the camp which they had maintained in a
highly defensible position, and threw themselves
down into the valleys on the other side. There the
Romans gained considerable booty and a bloodless
victory.

Though a threefold success had thus been gained
in the war, neither senators nor plebeians had been
relieved of their anxiety respecting the outcome of

3X9

LIVY

serat ; tanta cum gratia turn arte praeparaverant
faeneratores quae non niodo plebem sed ipsum ctiam

S dictatorem frustrarentur. Namque Valerius post
Yetusi consulis reditum omnium actionum in senatu1
primam habuit pro victore populo, rettulitque quid

9 do nexis fieri placeret. Quae cum reiecta relatio
esset, " Non placeo/' inquit, " coneordiae auctor ;
optabitis, mediusfidius, propediem ut mei similes
Romana plebes patronos habeat. Quod ad me atti-
net, neque frustrabor ultra cives meos neque ipse

10 frnstra dictator ero. Discordiae intestinae, bellum
externum fecere ut hoc magistratu egeret res pub-
lico. : pax foris parta est, domi impeditur ; privatus
potius quam dictator seditioni interero." Ita curia

11 egressus dictatura se abdieavit. Apparuit causa
plebi, suam vicem indignantem magistratu abisse.
Itaque velut pcrsoluta fide, quoniam per eum non
stetisset quin praestaretur, decedentem domum cum
favore ac laudibus prosecuti sunt.

XXXII. Timor inde patres incessit ne, si dimissus
exercitus foret, rursus coetus oceulti eoniurationesque
fierent. Itaque, quamquam per dietatorem dilectus
habitus esset, tamen, quoniam in consilium verba
iurassent, saeramento teneri militem rati, per causam

1 in senatu F3U?: in senatura A.

320

BOOK II xxxi. 7-xxxii. 1

affairs at home, so great was the artfulness, as well b.c. 494
as influence, with which the money-lenders had laid
their plans to baffle not only the commons but even
the dictator himself. For after the return of the
consul Vetusius, the first business which Valerius
brought before the senate was in behalf of the vic-
torious people, that the senate might declare its
policy regarding the treatment of those bound over
for debt. This resolution having failed to pass, the
dictator said : "I do not please you in urging
harmony. You will soon wish, I warrant you, that
the Roman plebs had men like me for their spokes-
men. For my own part I will not be the means of
further disappointing my fellow citizens, nor will
I be dictator to no purpose. Internal strife and
foreign war made this office necessary to the nation ;
peace has been secured abroad, but at home it is
being thwarted ; I will play my part as a private
citizen rather than as a dictator, when the mutiny
breaks out." So saying he left the Curia and
laid down his office. It was evident to the people
that resentment of their wrongs had caused him to
resign the magistracy. And so, as though he had
kept his pledge (for it had not been his fault that it
was not being carried out), they attended him as he
retired to his house with manifestations of favour and
approval.

XXXII. Thereupon the senators became alarmed,
fearing that if the army should be disbanded there
would again be secret gatherings and conspiracies.
And so, although the levy had been held by order ot
the dictator, yet because the men had been sworn in
by the consuls they regarded the troops as bound by
their oath, and, under the pretext that the Aequi

321

LIVY

renovati ab Aequis belli educi ex urbe legiones

2 iussere. Quo facto maturata est seditio. Et primo
agitatum dicitur de consilium caede, ut solverentur
Sacramento ; doctos deinde nullam scelere religionem
exsolvi, Sicinio quodam auctore iniussu consulum in
Sacrum montem secessisse— trans Anienem amnem

3 est, tria ab urbe milia passuum ; ea frequentior fama
est quani, cuius Piso auctor est, in Aventinum seces-

4 sionem factam esse ; — ibi sine ullo duce vallo fos-
saque communitis castris quieti, rem nullam nisi
necessariam ad victum sumendo, per aliquot dies

5 neque lacessiti neque lacessentes sese tenuere. Pavor
ingens in urbe, metuque mutuo suspensa erant om-
nia. Timere relicta ab suis plebes violentiam pa-
trum ; timere patres residem in urbe plebem, incerti

6 man ere earn an abire mallent. Quamdiu autem tran-
quil lam quae secesserit multitudinem fore ? Quid
futurum deinde, si quod externum interim bellum

7 exsistat? Nullam profecto nisi in concordia civium
spem reliquam ducere ; earn per aequa per iniqua

8 reconciliandam civitati esse. Placuit igitur oratorem
ad plebem mitti Menenium Agrippam, facundum
virum, et quod inde oriundus erat, plebi carum. Is
intromissus in castra prisco illo dicendi et horrido

9 modo nihil aliud quam hoc narrasse fertur : tempore

1 Livy appears to have had the other tradition in mind
when he wrote in. liv. 9.

2 If Menenius was a plebeian, it is improbable that he was
also, as Livy rather implies, a senator, cf. i. 11 and note.

322

BOOK II. xxxii. 1-9

had recommenced hostilities, gave orders to lead the b.o. 494
legions out of the City. This brought the revolt to
a head. At first, it is said, there was talk of killing
the consuls, that men might thus be freed from their
oath ; but when it was explained to them that no
sacred obligation could be dissolved by a crime, they
took the advice of one Sicinius, and without orders
from the consuls withdrew to the Sacred Mount,
which is situated across the river Anio, three miles
from the City.— This version of the story is more
general than that given by Piso, namely that the
Aventine was the place of their secession.1 — There,
without any leader, they fortified their camp with
stockade and trench, and continued quietly, taking
nothing but what they required for their subsist-
ance, for several days, neither receiving provocation
nor giving any. There was a great panic in the City,
and mutual apprehension caused the suspension of all
activities. The plebeians, having been abandoned
by their friends, feared violence at the hands of the
senators ; the senators feared the plebeians who
were left behind in Rome, being uncertain whether
they had rather they stayed or went. Besides,
how long would the seceding multitude continue
peaceable? What would happen next if some foreign
war should break out in the interim ? Assuredly no
hope was left save in harmony amongst the citizens,
aud this they concluded they must restore to the
state by fair means or foul. They therefore decided
to send as an ambassador to the commons Agrippa
Menenius, an eloquent man and dear to the plebeians
as being one of themselves by birth.2 On being ad-
mitted to the camp he is said merely to have related
the following apologue, in the quaint and uncouth

323

LIVY

a.u.c. quo in homine non. ut nunc, omnia in unum consen-
tiant, sed singulis niembris suum cuique consilium
suus sermo fuerit, indignatas reliquas partes sua cura
suo labore ac ministerio ventri omnia quaeri, ven-
trem in medio quietum nihil aliud quam datis volup-

10 tatibus frui ; conspirasse inde ne manus ad os cibum
fervent, nec os acciperet datum, nec dentes quae
acciperent conficevent.1 Hac ira dum ventrem fame
domare vellent, ipsa una membra totumque corpus

11 ad extrcmam tabem venisse. Inde apparuisse ven-
tris quoque baud segne ministerium esse, nec magis
ali quam alere eum, reddentem in omnis corporis
partes hunc quo vivimus vigemusque, divisum pariter

12 in venas, maturum confecto cibo sanguinem. Com-
parando hinc quam intestina corporis seditio similis
esset irae plebis in patres, flexisse mentes hominum.

a.u.c. XXXIII. Affi deinde de concordia coeptum conces-

2G1 b 1

sumque in condiciones ut plebi sui magistratus essent
sacrosancti, quibus auxilii latio adversus consules
esset, neve cui patrum capere eum magistratum lice-
2 ret. Ita tribuni plebei creati duo, C. Licinius et
L. Albinus. Ii2 tres collegas sibi creaverunt. In his

1 quae acciperent conficerent Walters : acciperent . que
conficerent O: acciperentque conficerent il : conficerent
PFBD*U {which last has ne for nec).

2 Ii Conway and Walters: hii H: hi UOH.

1 The same apologue is found in Xenophon, Mem. n. iii. 18;
Cicero, Off. in. v. 22 ; and St. Paul, Cor. i. xii. 12.

324

BOOK II. xxxii. 9-xxxiii. 2

style of that age : In the days when man's members b.c 494
did not all agree amongst themselves, as is now the
case, but had each its own ideas and a voice of its
own, the other parts thought it unfair that they
should have the worry and the trouble and the
labour of providing everything for the belly, while
the belly remained quietly in their midst with no-
thing to do but to enjoy the good things which they
bestowed upon it ; they therefore conspired together
that the hands should carry no food to the mouth,
nor the mouth accept anything that was given it,
nor the teeth grind up what they received. While
they sought in this angry spirit to starve the belly
into submission, the members themselves and the
whole body were reduced to the utmost weakness.
Hence it had become clear that even the belly had
no idle task to perform, and was no more nourished
than it nourished the rest, by giving out to all parts
of the body that by which we live and thrive, when
it has been divided equally amongst the veins and
is enriched with digested food — that is, the blood.
Drawing a parallel from this to show how like was
the internal dissension of the bodily members to the 1/
anger of the plebs against the Fathers, he prevailed
upon the minds of his hearers.1 XXXIII. Steps b.c. 493
were then taken towards harmony, and a compro-
mise was effected on these terms : the plebeians
were to have magistrates of their own, who should
be inviolable, and in them should lie the right to
aid the people against the consuls, nor should any
senator be permitted to take this magistracy. And
so they chose two "tribunes of the people," Gaius
Licinius and Lucius Albinus. These appointed three
others to be their colleagues. Amongst the latter,

325

LIVY

Sicinium fuisse, seditionis auctorem : de duobus, qui

3 fuerint, minus convenit. Sunt qui duos tantum in
Sacro monte creatos tribunos esse dicant ibique
sacratam legem latam.

Per secessionem plebis Sp. Cassius et Postumus1

4 Cominius consulatum inierunt. lis2 consulibus cum
Latinis populis ictum foedus. Ad id feriendum con-
sul alter Romae mansit : alter ad Volscum bellum
missus Antiates Volscos fundit fugatque^ compulsos
in oppidum Longulam persecutus moenibus potitur.

5 Inde protinus Poluscam, item3 Volscorum, cepit ;
turn magna vi adortus est Coriolos. Erat turn in
castris inter primores iuvenum Cn. Marcius,4 adules-
cens et consilio et manu promptus, cui cognomen

6 postea Coriolano fuit. Cum subito exercitum Ro-
manum Coriolos obsidentem atque in oppidanos, quos
intus clausos habebat, intentum sine ullo metu ex-
trinsecus imminentis belli Volscae legiones profectae
ab Antio invasissent, eodemque tempore ex oppido

7 erupissent hostes, forte in statione Marcius fuit. Is
cum delecta militum manu non modo impetum erum-
pentium rettudit/ sed per patentem portam ferox
inrupit, caedeque in proxima parte0 urbis facta ig-

8 nem temere arreptum7 imminentibus muro aedificiis

1 Postumus 5- Siqonius : Postumius CI.

2 iis MPFBO : his RDL : hiis UHp

3 protinus Polnscam, item Cluverius (cf. 11. xxxix. 3) :
protinus (-mus M) mus camitem (P) or mucamitem n.

4 Cn. Marcius g- : lc martius M : a (or c) marcius Cl.

5 rettudit D : retrudit (or retudit or retulit) Cl.

6 parte supplied by H. J. Mutter.

7 arreptum ed. Aid.: abreptum CI.
326

BOOK II. xxxiii. 2-8

Sicinius, the promoter of the revolt, was one, as all b.c. 493
agree ; the identity of the other two is less certain.
Some hold that there were only two tribunes elected
on the Sacred Mount, and that the law of inviolability
was enacted there.1

During the secession of the plebs Spurius Cassius
and Postumus Cominius entered upon their consul-
ship. In this year a treaty was made with the Latin
peoples. In order to make this treaty one of the
consuls remained in Rome, while the other was dis-
patched to the Volscian war, and defeated and put to
flight the Volsci of Antium. Forcing them to take
refuge in the town of Longula, he followed them up
and captured the place. Thence he proceeded to
take Polusca, another Volscian town, after which he
directed a strong attack upon Corioli. There was in
camp at that time amongst the young nobles Gnaeus
Marcius, a youth of active mind and ready hand,
who afterwards gained the surname of Coriolanus.
The Romans were laying siege to Corioli and were
intent upon the townspeople shut up within the
walls, with no thought of danger from any attack
which might be impending from without, when tbey
found themselves suddenly assailed by a Volscian
army from Antium, and simultaneously by the be-
sieged, who made a sortie from the town. It happened
that Marcius was on guard. Taking a picked body
of men he not only repelled the sally, but boldly
forced his way through the open gate, and having
spread carnage through the adjacent part of the
town, caught up a firebrand on the spur of the
moment, and threw it upon the buildings which

1 In either case the number was five from the year 471 on
(lviii. 1), till it was raised to ten in the year 457.

327

LIVY

iniecit. Clamor inde oppidanorum mixtus muliebri
puerilique ploratu ad terrorem,, ut solet, primum
orto1 et Romanis auxit animum et turbavit Volscos_,
utpote capta urbe cui 2 ad ferendam opem venerant.
9 Ita fusi Volsci Antiates, Corioli oppidum captum ;
tantumque sua laude obstitit famae consulis Marcius
u t, nisi foedus cum Latinis in 3 columna aenea in-
sculptum monumento esset, ab Sp. Cassio uno., quia
collega afuerat, ictum, Postumum4 Cominium bellum
gessisse cum Yolscis memoria cessisset.

10 Eodem anno Agrippa Menenius moritur, vir omni
in vita5 pariter patribus ac plebi carus, post secessio-

11 nem carior plebi factus. Huic interpreti arbitroque
concordiae civium,, legato patrum ad plebem, reduc-
tori plebis Romanae in urbeim. sumptus funeri defuit;
extulit eum plebs sextantibus6 conlatis in capita.

XXXIV. Consules deinde T. Geganius P. Minu-
cius facti. Eo anno, cum et foris quieta omnia a
bello essent et domi sanata discordia, aliud multo

2 gravius malum civitatem invasit, caritas primum
annonae ex incultis per secessionem plebis agris,

3 fames deinde, qualis clausis solet. Ventumque ad
interitum servitiorum utique et plebis esset, ni con-
sules providissent dimissis passim ad frumentum co-

1 primum orto Maduig : primo ortu n.

2 cui 5- : qui CI.

3 in supplied by H. J. Midler.

4 Postumum 5- : Postumium CI.

5 omni in vita 5- : omnium uita Cl.

6 sextantibus r : extantibua CI.

328

BOOK II. mm, 8-xxxiv. 3

overhung the wall. Theieupon the townspeople b.c. 493
raised a shout, mingled with such a wailing of women
and children as is generally heard at the first alarm.
This brought new courage to the Romans and covered
the Volsci with confusion — as was natural when the
city which they had come to relieve was taken. Thus
the men of Antium were routed, and Corioli was won.
So completely did the glory of Marcius overshadow
the consul's fame, that, were it not for the record on
a bronze column of the treaty with the Latins which
was struck by Spurius Cassius alone, in the absence
of his colleague, men would have forgotten that
Postumus Cominius had waged war on the Volsci.

That same year saw the death of Agrippa Menenius,
a man who throughout his life had been equally be-
loved by patricians and plebeians, and who after the
secession was even dearer to the commons. This
mediator and umpire of civil harmony, this ambas-
sador of the senators to the people, this restorer of
the plebs to Rome, did not leave sufficient wealth to
pay for a funeral. He was buried by the commons,
who contributed a sextans1 each to the cost.

XXXIV. The consuls next chosen were Titus Ge- b.c.
ganius and Publius Minucius. This year, though 492-491
there was no war to occasion trouble from without
and the breach at home had been healed, another
and a much more serious misfortune befell the nation;
for first the price of corn went up, from men's failure
to cultivate the fields during the withdrawal of the
plebs ; and this was followed by a famine, such as
comes to a beleaguered city. It would have meant
starvation for the slaves, at least, and the plebeians,
had not the consuls met the situation by sending
1 A sextans was the sixth part of an as, or pound of copper.

329

LIVY

a.u.c. emendum non in Etruriam modo dextris ab Ostia

26'J-2C3

litoribus laevoque per Volscos mari usque ad Cumas,
sed quaesitum in Sicilia 1 quoque ; adeo finitimorum

4 odia longinquis coegerant indigere auxiliis. Fru-
mentum Cumis cum coemptum esset^ naves pro bonis
Tarquiniorum ab Aristodemo tyranno, qui heres erat,
retentae sunt ; in Volscis Pomptinoque ne emi qui-
dem potuit ; periculum quoque ab impetu hominum

5 ipsis frumentatoribus fuit ; ex Tuscis frumentum
Tiberi venit ; eo sustentata est plebs. Incomraodo
bello in tarn artis commeatibus vexati forent, ni
Volscos iam moventes arma pestilentia ingens inva-

6 sisset Ea clade conterritis hostium animis, ut etiam
ubi ea remisisset terrore aliquo tenerentur, et Veli-
trisauxere numerura colonorum Romania et Norbam2
in montis novam coloniam quae arx in Pomptino
esset miserunt.

7 M. Minucio deinde et A. Sempronio consulibus
magna vis frumenti ex Sicilia advecta, agitatumque

8 in senatu quanti plebi daretur. Multi venisse tem-
pus premendae plebis putabant recuperandique iura

9 quae extorta secessione ac vi patribus essent. In
primis Marcius Coriolanus, hostis tribuniciae potes-
tatis, "Si annonam," inquit, " veterem volunt, ius
pristinum reddant patribus. Cur ego plebeios magis-
tratuSj cur Sicinium potentem video sub iugum mis-

1 quaesitum in Sicilia FBO : quaesitum in siciliam H: in
Siciliam Grcvier.

2 Norbam Duker : norbae [or -be) fl.

330

BOOK II. xxxiv. 3-9

agents far and wide to buy up corn, not only to
Etruria, northwards along the coast from Ostia, and
south past the Volsci by sea, all the way to Cumae,
but even to Sicily — so far afield had the enmity of
Rome's neighbours driven her to seek for help. When
grain had been purchased at Cumae the ships were
held back by Aristodemus, the tyrant, in satisfaction
for the property of the Tarquinii, whose heir he was.
Among the Volsci and Pomptini the agents could
not even make any purchases, and they were actually
in danger from the violence of the people. From
the Tuscans corn came in by way of the Tiber, and
with this the plebs were kept alive. A disastrous
war would have been added to the distresses arising
from the scarcity of provision s, had not a grievous
pestilence descended upon the Volsci just as they
were beginning hostilities. Its ravages so terrified
the enemy that even after the worst of it was over
they did not fully recover from their fear, and the
Romans increased the number of colonists at Velitrae
and sent out a new colony to Norba, in the mountains,
as a stronghold for the Pomptine country.

Next year, in the consulship of Marcus Minucius
and Aulus Sempronius, a large quantity of grain was
imported from Sicily, and the senate debated at
what price it should be sold to the plebeians. Many
thought the time had come for repressing the
commons, and resuming the rights which they had
violently extorted from the Fathers by secession.
Conspicuous among these was Marcius Coriolanus, an
enemy to the tribunician power, who said: "If they
want corn at the old price let them restore to the
senate its ancient rights. Why do I see plebeian
magistrates, why do I, after being sent beneath

331

LIVY

a.u.c. 10 sus, et1 tamquam ab latronibus redemptus ? Egone

262-263 . _. t .■ a

has mdigmtates dmtius patiar quam necesse est r
Tarquinium regem qui non tulerim Sicinium feram?
Secedat nunc, avocet plebem; patet via in Sacrum
montem aliosque colles. Rapiant frumenta ex agris
nostris, quern ad mod urn tertio anno rapuere ; fruan-

11 tur2 annona quam furore suo fecere. Audeo dicere
hoc malo domitos ipsos potius cultores agrorum fore
quam ut armati per secessionem coli prohibeant."

12 Haud tarn facile dictu est faciendumne fuerit quam
potuisse arbitror fieri ut condicionibus laxandi anno-
nam et tribuniciam potestatem et omnia invitis iura
imposita patres demerent sibi.

A.r.c. XXXV. Et senatui nimis atrox visa sententia

est, et plebem ira prope armavit : fame se iam
sicut hostes peti, cibo victuque fraudari ; pere-
grinnm frumentum, quae sola alimenta ex in-
sperato fortuna dederit, ab ore rapi, nisi Gn.
Marcio vincti dedantur tribuni, nisi de tergo plebis
Romanae satisfiat. Eum sibi carnificem novum exor-
2 turn, qui aut mori aut scrvire iubeat. In exeuntem
e curia impetus factus esset, ni peropportune tribuni
diem dixissent. Ibi ira est suppressa; se iudicem

1 et inserted by Postgate.

2 fruantur r : fruantur utantur VM : utantur n.

332

BOOK II. xxxiv. 9-xxxv. 2

the yoke and ransomed, as it were, from brigands, b.c.
behold Sicinius in power ? Shall I endure these 492-491
humiliations any longer than I must ? When I would
not brook Tarquinius as king, must I brook Sicinius ?
Let him secede now and call out the plebs ; the
way lies open to the Sacred Mount and the other
hills. Let them seize grain from our fields as they
did two years ago. Let them enjoy the corn-prices
they have brought about by their own madness. I
make bold to say that this evil plight will so tame
them that they will sooner till the land themselves
than withdraw under arms and prevent its cultivation
by others." It is not so easy to say whether it would
have been right to do this, as it is clear, I think, that
it lay within the Fathers' power to have made such
conditions for reducing the price of corn as to have
freed themselves from the tribunician authority and
all the terms which they had unwillingly agreed to.

XXXV. Even the senate deemed the proposal too b.c. 491
harsh, and the plebs were so angry that they almost
resorted to arms. Starvation, they said, was now
being employed against them, as though they were
public enemies, and they were being defrauded of
their food and sustenance ; the imported corn, their
only supply, unexpectedly bestowed on them by
Fortune, was to be snatched from their mouths un-
less the tribunes should be delivered up in chains to
Gnaeus Marcius, unless he should work his will on
the persons of the Roman plebeians ; in him a new
executioner had risen up against them, who bade them
choose between death and slavery. When he came
out from the Curia they would have set upon him,
had not the tribunes, in the nick of time, appointed
a day to try him ; whereupon their anger subsided,

333

LIVY

quisque, se dominum vitae necisqne inimici factum

3 videbat. Contemptim primo Marcius audiebat minas
tribunieias : auxilii, non poenae ius datum illi potes-
tati, plebisque non patrum tribunos esse. Sed adeo
infensa erat coorta plebs, ut unius poena defungen-

4 dum esset patribus. Restiterunt tamen adversae
invidiae 1 usique sunt qua suis quisque, qua totius
ordinis viribus. Ac primo temptata res est si dis-
positis clientibus absterrendo singulos a coitionibus

5 conciliisque disicere rem possent. Universi deinde
processere — quidquid erat patrum, reos diceres —
precibus plebem exposcentes unum sibi civem, unum
senatorem, si innocentem absolvere nollent, pro no-

6 cente donarent. Ipse cum die dicta non adesset,
perseveratum in ira est. Damnatus absens in Volscos
exsulatum abiit minitans patriae hostilesque iam turn
spiritus gerens. Venientem Volsci benigne excepere
benigniusque in dies colebant, quo maior ira in suos
eminebat crebraeque nunc querellae, nunc minae

7 percipiebantur.2 Hospitio utebatur Atti Tulli. Longe
is turn princeps Volsci nominis erat Romanisque sem-
per infestus. Ita cum alteram vetus odium, alterum

1 adversae invidiae H. J. Midler : aduersa inuidia n.

2 percipiebantur td. Aid. (in Errata) : praecipiebantur Ci.

1 The clients were a class distinct both from the plebs and
the patricians. To the latter they stood in the feudal rela-
tion of vassal to lord. They were perhaps originally citizens
of conquered towns, and were recruited by manumissions and
immigration.

334

BOOK II. xxxv. 2-7

for every man saw that he was himself made his b.c. 491
enemy's judge, and held over him the power of life
and death. With contempt at first Marcius heard
the threats of the tribunes, alleging that the right
to help, not to punish, had been granted to that
office, and that they were tribunes not of the Fathers,
but of the plebs. But the commons had risen in such
a storm of anger that the Fathers had to sacrifice
one man to appease them. For all that, they resisted
the hatred of their adversaries and called upon the
private resources of the several senators, as well as
the strength of the entire order. At first they tried,
by posting their clients 1 here and there, to frighten
persons from coming together for deliberation, in the
hope that they might thereby break up their plans.
Then they came out in a body — you would have said
all the members of the senate were on their trial —
and entreated the plebs to release to them one
citizen, one senator ; if they were unwilling to acquit
him as innocent let them give him up, though guilty,
as a favour. But when Marcius himself, on the day
appointed for the hearing, failed to appear, men's
hearts were hardened against him. Condemned in
his absence, he went into exile with the Volsci,
uttering threats against his country, and even then
breathing hostility. When he came among the Volsci
they received him with a kindness which increased
from one day to the next, in proportion as he allowed
a greater hatred of his own people to appear, and
was more and more frequently heard to utter both
complaints and threats. His host was Attius Tullius,
at that time by far the foremost of the Volscian
name and ever unfriendly to the Romans. And so,
spurred on, the one by his inveterate hatred and

335

LIVY

ira recens stimularet, consilia confcrunt de Romano
8 bello. Haud facile credebant plebem suam impelli
posse ut totiens infeliciter temptata arma caperent :
multis saepe bellis, pestilentia postremo amissa iu-
ventute fractos spiritus esse ; arte agendum in exo-
leto iam vetustate odio, ut recenti aliqua ira exacer-
barentur animi.

XXXVI. Ludi forte ex instauratione magni Romae
parabantur. Instaurandi haec causa fuerat. Ludis
mane servum quidam pater familiae nondum com-
misso spectaculo sub furca caesum medio egerat
circo ; coepti inde ludi, velut ea res nihil ad religio-

2 nem pertinuisset. Haud ita multo post T. Latinio,
de plebe homing somnium fuit ; visus Iuppiter dicere
sibi ludis praesultatorem displicuisse ; nisi magnifice
instaurarentur ei ludi, periculum urbi fore ; iret, ea

3 consulibus nuntiaret. Quamquam hand sane liber
erat religione animus, verecundia tamen maiestatis
magistratuum timorque 1 vicit, ne in ora hominum

4 pro ludibrio abiret. Magno ill i ea cunctatio stetit ;
filium namque intra paucos dies amisit. Cuius re-
pentinae cladis ne causa dubia esset, aegro animi
eadem ilia in somnis obversata species visa est rogi-

1 timorque H. J. Muller: timorem £1

1 i.e. the Roman Games (cf. I. xxxv. 9).

336

BOOK IL. xxxv. 7— xxx vi. 4

the other by fresh resentment, they took counsel b.c. 491
together how they might make war on Rome. They
believed that it would be no easy matter to induce
the Volscian commons to take up the arms which
they had so often unluckily essayed ; the destruction
of their young men in oft-repeated wars, and finally
by the plague, had, they supposed, broken their spirit ;
artifice must be invoked, where hate had grown dull
with lapse of time, that they might find some new
cause of anger to exasperate men's hearts.

XXXVI. It so happened that at Rome preparations
were making to repeat the Great Games.1 The reason
of the repetition was as follows : at an early hour of
the day appointed for the games, before the show
had begun, a certain householder had driven his
slave, bearing a yoke, through the midst of the circus,
scourging the culprit as he went. The games had
then been begun, as though this circumstance had
in no way affected their sanctity. Not long after,
Titus Latinius, a plebeian, had a dream. He dreamt
that Jupiter said that the leading dancer at the
games 2 had not been to his liking ; that unless there
were a sumptuous repetition of the festival the City
would be in danger; that Latinius was to go and
announce this to the consuls. Though the man's
conscience was by no means at ease, nevertheless the
awe he felt at the majesty of the magistrates was too
great ; he was afraid of becoming a laughing-stock.
Heavy was the price he paid for his hesitation, for
a few days later he lost his son. Lest this sudden
calamity should leave any uncertainty as to its cause
in the mind of the wretched man, the same phantom
appeared again before him in his dreams, and asked
2 i.e. the slave who had been scourged through the circus.

337

LIVY

tare, satin magnam spreti numinis haberet merce-
dem ; maiorem instare, ni eat propere ac nuntiet

5 consulibus. Iam praesentior res erat. Cunctantem
tamen ac prolatantem ingens vis morbi adorta est

6 debilitate subita. Tunc enimvero deorum ira admo-
nuit. Fessus igitur malis praeteritis instantibusque
consilio propinquorum adhibito cum visa atque audita
et obversatum totiens somno Iovem, minas irasque
caelestes repraesentatas casibus suis exposuisset, con-
sensu inde haud dubio1 omnium qui aderant in forum

7 ad consules lectica defertur. Inde in curiam iussu
consulum delatus eadem ilia cum patribus ingenti
omnium admiratione enarrasset, ecce aliud miracu-

8 lum. Qui captus omnibus membris delatus in curiam
esset, eum functum officio pedibus suis domum re-
disse traditum memoriae est.

XXXVII. Ludi quam amplissimi ut fierent senatus
decrevit. Ad eos ludos auctore Attio Tullio vis

2 magna Volscorum venit. Priusquam committerentur
ludi, Tullius, ut domi compositum cum Marcio fuerat,
ad consules venit ; dicit esse quae secreto agere de

3 re publica velit. Arbitris remotis " Invitus," inquit,
"quod sequius sit de meis civibus loquor. Non
tamen admissum quicquam ab iis criminatum venio,

1 dubio td. Ald.i dubie (or -ae) A.

338

BOOK II. xxxvi. 4-xxxvii. 3

him, as he thought, whether he had been sufficiently b.o. 49]
repaid for spurning the gods ; for a greater recom-
pense was at hand unless he went quickly and in-
formed the consuls. This brought the matter nearer
home. Yet he still delayed and put off going, till a
violent attack of illness suddenly laid him low. Then
at last the anger of the gods taught him wisdom.
And so, worn out with his sufferings, past and present,
he called a council of his kinsmen and explained
to them what he had seen and heard, how Jupiter
had so often confronted him in his sleep, and how
the threats and anger of the god had been in-
stantly fulfilled in his own misfortunes. Then, with
the unhesitating approval of all who were present,
he was carried on a litter to the consuls in the
Forum ; and thence, by their command, to the Curia,
where he had no sooner told the same story to the
Fathers, greatly to the wonder of them all, when —
lo, another miracle ! For it is related that he who
had been carried into the senate-house afflicted in
all his members, returned home, after discharging
his duty, on his own feet.

XXXVII. Games of the greatest possible splendour
were decreed by the senate, and to see them came, at
the suggestion of Attius Tullius, a host of Volsci.
Before the beginning of the spectacle Tullius, in
pursuance of the plan he and Marcius had formed
at home, went to the consuls and told them that he
had something of public importance which he wished
to discuss with them in private. When the bystanders
had been removed, "I am loath," he said, "to tell
concerning my countrymen what may discredit
them. Still I do not come to charge them with
having committed any crime, but to put you on your

339

LIVY

4 sed cautum ne admittant. Nimio plus quam velim

5 nostrorum ingenia sunt mobilia. Multis id cladibus
sensimuSj quippe qui non nostro merito sed vestra
patientia incolumes simus. Magna hie nunc Vols-
corum multitudo est; ludi sunt; spectaculo intenta

6 civitas erit. Memini quid per eandem occasionem
ab Sabinorum iuventute in hac urbe commissum sit ;
horret animus ne quid inconsulte ac temere fiat.
Haec nostra vestraque causa prius dicenda vobis,

7 eonsules, ratus sum. Quod ad me attinet, extemplo
hinc domum abire in animo est., ne cuius facti dic-
tive contagione praesens violer." Haec locutus abiit.

8 Consules cum ad patres rem dubiam sub auctore certo
detulissent, auctor magis, ut fit, quam res ad prae-
cavendum vel ex supervacuo movit ; factoque sena-
tus consulto ut urbe 1 excederent Volsci, praecones
dimittuntur qui omnes eos proncisci ante noctem

9 iuberent. Ingens pavor primo discurrentis ad suas
res tollendas in hospitia perculit ; proficiscentibus
deinde indignatio oborta se ut consceleratos con-
taminatosque ab ludis, festis diebus, coetu quodam
modo hominum deorumque abactos esse. XXX VI II.
Cum prope continuato agmine irent, praegressus
Tullius ad caput Ferentinum^ ut quisque veniret,2
primores eorum excipiens querendo indignandoque,

1 urbe H$- : urbem fl. 2 veniret : eueniret ft.

34°

BOOK II. xxxvn. 3-xxxviii. 1

guard lest they should commit one. The disposition b.c. 491
of our people is far more fickle than I could wish.
Many disasters have taught us the truth of this,
since it is not to our own merit, but to your patience,
that we owe our preservation. A great crowd of
Volsci is now in Rome; there are games; the citizens
will be intent upon the spectacle. I remember what
the Sabine youths did in this City on the same op-
portunity arising; I tremble lest something ill-advised
and rash may happen. It has seemed to me that
both on our account and on yours I ought to tell you
this beforehand, consuls. For my own part I intend
to go home at once, lest being on the spot 1 might
be implicated in some act or word and be compro-
mised." With this he departed. The consuls laid
before the senate this vague warning which came
from so reliable a source. It was the source, as
often happens, rather than the story, which induced
them to take precautions, even though they might
prove superfluous. The senate decreed that the
Volsci should leave the City, and heralds were sent
about to command them all to depart before night-
fall. At first they were stricken with a great alarm,
as they hurried this way and that to the houses of
their hosts to get their things. But when they had
started, their hearts swelled with indignation, that
like malefactors and polluted persons, they should
have been driven off from the games at a time of
festival, and excluded, in a way, from intercourse
with men and gods. XXXVIII. As they journeyed
on in an almost unbroken line, Tullius, who had
gone ahead, arrived before them at the source of
the Ferentina. There, when any of their chief men
arrived, he met them with words of complaint and

34i

LIVY

jl.v.c. et eos ipsos sedulo audientes secunda irae verba et

263

per eos multitudinem aliam in subiectum viae cam-

2 pum deduxit. Ibi in contionis modum orationem
exorsus, " Ut omnia/' inquit, " obliviscamini alia,
veteres populi llomani iniurias cladesque gentis Vols-
corum,1 hodiernam hanc contumeliam quo tandem
animo fertis, qua per nostram ignominiam ludos

3 commisere ? An non sensistis triumphatum hodie
de vobis esse ? Vos omnibus, civibus, peregrinis, tot
finitimis populis, spectaculo abeuntcs fuisse, vestras
coniuges, vestros liberos traductos per ora hominum ?

4 Quid eos qui audivere vocem praeconis, quid qui nos
videre abeuntes, quid eos qui huic ignominioso ag-
mini fuere obvii existimasse putatis, nisi aliquod
profecto nefas esse, quod, si intersimus spectaculo,
violaturi simus ludos piaculumque merituri, ideo nos

5 ab sede piorum, coetu concilioque abigi ? Quid
deinde ? Illud non succurrit, vivere nos quod matu-
rarimus proficisci ? Si hoc profectio et non fuga
est. Et hanc urbem vos non hostium ducitis, ubi si
unum diem morati essetis, moriendum omnibus fuit?
Bellum vobis indictum est, magno eorum malo qui

6 indixere, si viri estis." Ita et sua sponte irarum

1 The words veteres . . . Volacorum, placed here by
Walters, are given in the MSS. after exorsus.

342

BOOK II. xxxviii. 1-6

indignation. These leaders, eagerly drinking in the ».c. 491
words with which he ministered to their anger, he
conducted and, thanks to their influence, the rest of
the throng also, to a field which lay below the road.
There he launched out upon a speech like a general's
harangue. "Though you should forget all else," he
cried, " the ancient wrongs done by the Roman
People and the disasters that have overtaken the
Volscian race, with what feelings, pray, can you bear
the insult which this day has brought to us, making
our humiliation serve as the opening of their festival ?
Or did you not feel that they were triumphing over
you to-day? That you furnished a spectacle to
everybody when you departed — to the citizens, to
the strangers, to all the neighbouring nations? That
your wives and children were made a mock in the
eyes of the world ? What of those who heard the
words of the herald ? What of those who saw us
going away ? What of those who have met this ig-
nominious procession ? What think you they all
supposed, but that we were certainly attainted of
some sin ; that because, were we to be present at
the spectacle, we should pollute the games and incur
the god's displeasure — for that reason we were being
expelled from the seat of the righteous and from
their gathering and their council? Moreover, does
it not occur to you that we are alive because we
hastened to depart ? — if, indeed, this is a departure
and not rather a flight. And this City — do you not
regard it as a city of enemies, when if you had
delayed there a single day, you would all have had
to die? War has been declared upon you, and greatly
shall they rue it who have been responsible, if you
are men." So, their spontaneous anger fanned to a

343

LIVY

pleni et incitati domos inde digressi sunt instigan-
doque suos quisque populos effecere ut omne Vols-
cum nomen deficeret.

XXXIX. Imperatores ad id bellum de omnium
populorum sententia lecti Attius Tullius et Cn. Mar-
cius, exsul Romanus, in quo aliquanto plus spei re-

2 positum. Quam spem nequaquam fefellit, ut facile
appareret ducibus validiorem quam exercitu rem
Romanam esse. Circeios profectus primum colonos
inde Romanos expulit liberamque earn urbem Volscis

3 tradidit ; Satricum, Longulam, Poluscam, Coriolos,

4 novella haec Romanis oppida ademit ; inde Lavinium
recepit ; inde in Latinam viam transversis tramitibus
transgressus,1 tunc deinceps Corbionem, Veteliam,

5 Trebium, Labicos, Pedum cepit. Postremum ad
urbem a Pedo ducit et ad fossas Cluilias 2 quinque ab
urbe milia passuum castris positis populatur inde

6 agrum Romanum custodibus inter populatores missis,
qui patriciorum agros intactos servarent, sive in-
fensus plebi magis, sive ut discordia inde inter patres

7 plebemque oreretur. Quae profecto orta esset —
adeo tribuni iam ferocem per se plebem criminando
in primores civitatis instigabant, — sed externus timor,
maximum concordiae vinculum, quamvis suspectos

8 infensosque inter se iungebat animos. Id modo non
conveniebat, quod senatus consulesque nusquam alibi
spem quam in armis ponebant, plebes omnia quam

9 bellum malebat. Sp. Nautius iam et Sex. Furius

1 The words inde in Latinam . . . transgressus, placed here
by Conway and Walters, art found in the MSS. between
tradidit and Satricum.

2 Cluilias Glareanus (cf. I. xxii. 4) : cluuilias (or cluuillas
or cliuillas or cluullas or duuillias) H.

344

BOOK II. xxxvin. 6-xxxix. 9

flame, they dispersed to their several homes, and, b.c. 49i
every man arousing his own people, they brought
about a revolt of the entire Volscian name.

XXXIX. As generals for this war the nations all B-c- 4-s
agreed in choosing Attius Tullius and Gnaeus Mar-
eius, the Roman exile, who inspired rather more hope
than did his colleague. This hope he by no means
disappointed, so that it was easy to see that Rome's
commanders were a greater source of strength to
her than her armies were. Marching first to Circei,
he drove out the Roman colonists from that city
and turned it over, thus liberated, to the Volsci.
He took Satricum, Longula, Polusca, and Corioli,
places which the Romans had recently acquired.
He then recovered Lavinium, and then, passing over
by cross-roads into the Latin Way, captured in suc-
cession Corbio, Vetelia, Trebium, Labici, and Pedum.
From Pedum he finally led his army against Rome
and, pitching his camp at the Cluilian Trenches, five
miles from the City, laid waste the Roman territory
from that base, sending out guards with the pillagers
to preserve intact the farms of the patricians, whether
from anger at the plebs, or to sow dissension between
them and the Fathers. And no doubt it would have
sprung up, so vehemently did the tribunes seek by
their accusations to rouse the already headstrong
commons against the nation's leaders, but dread ot
invasion, the strongest bond of harmony, tended to
unite their feelings, however they might suspect and
dislike one another. In this one point they were
unable to agree, that the senate and the consuls saw
no hope anywhere but in arms, while the plebs pre-
ferred anything to war. Spurius Nautius and Sextus

345

LIVY

a.u.c. consules erant. Eos recensentes legiones, praesidia
per muros aliaque in quibus stationes vigiliasque esse
placuerat loca distribuentis multitude* ingens pacem
poscentium primum seditioso clamore conterruit,
deinde vocare senatum, referre de legatis ad Cn.

10 Marcium mittendis coegit. Acceperunt relationem
patres, postquam apparuit labare plebis amnios, mis-

1 1 sique de pace ad Marcium oratores. Atrox respon-
sum rettulerunt : si Volscis ager redderetur, posse
agi de pace ; si praeda belli per otium frui velint,
memorem se et civium iniuriae et hospitum beneficii
adnisurum ut appareat exsilio sibi inritatos non

12 fractos animos esse. Iterum deinde iidem missi
non recipiuntur in castra. Sacerdotes quoque suis
insignibus velatos isse supplices ad castra hostium
traditum est ; nihilo magis quam legatos flexisse
animum.

a.u.c. XL. Turn matronae ad Veturiam, matrem Corio-

lanij Volumniamque uxorem frequentes coeunt. Id
publicum consilium an muliebris timor fuerit parum

2 invenio ; pervicere certe ut et Veturia, magno natu
mulier, et Volumnia duos parvos ex Marcio ferens
filios secum in castra hostium irent et, quoniam armis
viri defendere urbem non possent, mulieres precibus

3 lacrimisque defenderent. Ubi ad castra ventum est

1 Livy implies that they were not the immediate successors
of the consuls for 491, and in fact he seems to have omitted
two sets, Q. Sulpicius Camerinus and Serg. Larcius Flavus
(490), and C. Julius lulus and P. Pinarius Rufus (489), though
at in. xxxiii. 1 and v. liv. 5 he reckons in these two years.
The missing names are supplied by Dion. Hal. vii. 68 and
viii. 1.

346

BOOK II. xxxix. 9-xl. 3

Furius were now consuls.1 While they were re- b.o. 4ss
viewing their levies and distributing garrisons about
the walls and the other places where they had seen
fit to place pickets and sentries, a great multitude
of people demanding peace first terrified them with
their rebellious clamour, and then forced them to
call the senate together and propose the sending of
envoys to Gnaeus Marcius. The Fathers consented
to propose it when they saw that the plebeians were
growing discouraged, and ambassadors were sent to
Marcius to treat for peace. Stern was the answer
they brought back. If the land of the Volsci were
restored to them the question of peace could be
taken up; if the Romans wished to enjoy the spoils
of war without doing anything, he would forget
neither the wrong his fellow-citizens had done him
nor the kindness of his hosts, but would strive to
show that exile had quickened his courage, not
broken it. When the same envoys were sent back a
second time, they were denied admittance to the
camp. Even priests, wearing the appropriate fillets,
are said to have gone as suppliants to the enemy's
camp, where they were no more able than the envoys
had been to alter the determination of Marcius.

XL. Then the married women gathered in large b.c.
numbers at the house of Veturia, the mother of Co- 488_48'
riolanus, and Volumnia, his wife. Whether this was
public policy or woman's fear I cannot find out; in
any case they prevailed with them that both Veturia,
an aged woman, and Volumnia should take the two
little sons of Marcius and go with them to the camp
of the enemy ; and that, since the swords of the men
could not defend the City, the women should defend
it with their prayers and tears. When they reached

347

LIVY

a u.c. nuntiatumque Coriolano est adesse ingens mulierum

ZG6-267 . . .

agmen, ut 1 qui nec pubhca maiestate in legatis nec
in sacerdotibus tanta offusa oculis animoque religione
motus csset, multo obstinatior adversus lacrimas

4 mnliebres erat. Dein familiarium quidam qui in-
signem maestitia inter ceteras cognoverat Veturiam
inter nurum nepotesque stantem, " Nisi me frustran-
tur," inquit, "oculi, mater tibi eoniunxque et liberi

5 adsimt." Coriolanus prope ut amens consternatus
ab sede sua cum ferret matri obviae complexum,
mulier in iram ex precibus versa "Sine, priusquam
complexum accipio, sciam,'' inquit, " ad hostem an ad
filium venerim, captiva materne in castris tuis sim.

6 In hoc me longa vita et infelix senecta traxit, ut

7 exsulem te, deinde hostem viderem ? Potuisti popu-
lari banc terram, quae te genuit atque aluit ? Non
tibi quamvis infesto animo et minaci perveneras
ingredienti fines ira cecidit ? Non, cum in conspectu
Roma fuit, succurrit ' Intra ilia moenia domus ac

8 penates mei sunt, mater coniunx liberique ' ? Ergo
ego nisi peperissem, Roma non oppugnaretur ; nisi
filium haberem, libera in libera patria mortua essem.
Sed ego nihil iam pati nec tibi turpius nec2 mihi
miserius possum nec, ut sum miserrima, diu futura

9 sum : de his videris, quos, si pergis, aut immatura

1 agmen ut Of : agmen in (ut B) primo ut Cl.

2 nec Bekker : quam H : Conway and )Y alters read <us>-
quam with M. MiilUr, and order the words thus, ego mihi
miserius nihil iam pati nec tibi turpius usquam possum.

348

BOOK II. xl. 3-9

the camp, and the word came to Coriolanus that a b c.
great company of women was at hand, at first, as t88_4S
might have been expected of one whom neither the
nation's majesty could move, as represented in its
envoys, nor the awfulness of religion, as conveyed
to heart and eye by the persons of her priests, he
showed even greater obduracy in resisting women's
tears. Then one of his friends, led by Veturia's
conspicuous sadness to single her out from amongst
the other women, as she stood between her son's
wife and his babies, said : " Unless my eyes deceive
me, your mother is here and your wife and children."
Coriolanus started up like a madman from his seat,
and running to meet his mother would have em-
braced her, but her entreaties turned to anger, and
she said : " Suffer me to learn, before I accept your
embrace, whether I have come to an enemy or a
son ; whether I am a captive or a mother in your
camp. Is it this to which long life and an unhappy
old age have brought me, that I should behold in you
an exile and then an enemy ? Could you bring your-
self to ravage this country, which gave you birth and
reared you ? Did not your anger fall from you, no
matter how hostile and threatening your spirit when
you came, as you passed the boundary ? Did it not
come over you, when Rome lay before your eyes :
c Within those walls are my home and my gods, my
mother, my wife, and my children ? ' So then, had
I not been a mother Rome would not now be be-
sieged ! Had I no son I should have died a free
woman, in a free land ! But I can have nothing now
to suffer which could be more disgraceful to you or
more miserable for myself ; nor, wretched though I
am, shall I be so for long : it is these you must con-
sider, for whom, if you keep on, untimely death or

vol. I.

349

N

LIVY

a.u.c. mors aut longa servitus manet." Uxor deinde ac

£'j()-2G7 , . #

hben amplexi, fletusque ab omni turba muherum
ortus et comploratio sui patriaeque fregere tandem

10 virum. Complexus inde suos dimittit : ipse retro ab
urbe castra movit. Abductis deinde legionibus ex
agro Romano invidia rei oppressum perisse tradunt
alii alio leto. Apud Fabium, longe antiquissimum
auctorem, usque ad senectutem vixisse eundem in-

11 venio ; refert certe banc saepe eum exacta aetate
usurpasse vocem, multo miserius seni exsilium esse.
Non inviderunt laude sua mulieribus viri Romani —

12 adeo sine obtrectatione gloriae alienae vivebatur, —
monumentoque 1 quod esset, templum Fortunae
muliebri aedificatum dedicatumque est.

Rediere deinde Volsci adiunctis Aequis in agrum
Romanum, sed Aequi Attium Tullium haud ultra

13 tulere ducem. Hinc ex certamine, Volsci Aequine
imperatorem coniuncto exercitui darent, seditio^
deinde atrox proelium ortum. Ibi fortuna populi
Romani duos hostium exercitus baud minus perni-
cioso quam pertinaci certamine confecit.

14 Consules T. Sicinius et C. Aquilius. Sicinio Volsci,
Aquilio Hernici — nam ii quoque in armis erant —
provincia evenit. Eo anno Hernici devicti : cum
Volscis aequo Marte discessum est.

1 monumentoque Gronov.: monumento quoque Xi.

1 For another account of Coriolanus, see Dion. Hal. viii. 12
and viii. 17-56.

35°

BOOK II. xl. 9-14

long enslavement is in store." The embraces of his
wife and children, following this speech, and the
tears of the entire company of women, and their
lamentations for themselves and their country, at
last broke through his resolution. He embraced his
family and sent them back, and withdrew his forces
from before the City. Having then led his army out
of Rome's dominions he is said to have perished
beneath the weight of resentment which this act
caused, by a death which is variously described.
I find in Fabius, by far the oldest authority, that
Coriolanus lived on to old age. At least he re-
ports that this saying was often on his lips, that
exile was a far more wretched thing when one was
old. There was no envy of the fame the women had
earned, on the part of the men of Rome — so free
was life in those days from disparagement of another's
glory — and to preserve its memory the temple of
Fortuna Muliebris was built and dedicated.1

Afterwards the Volsci again invaded Roman soil,
in conjunction with the Aequi, but these would no
longer put up with Attius Tullius for their general.
Whereupon the dispute as to whether the Volsci or
the Aequi should furnish a commander for the allied
army, led to a quarrel, and this to a bloody battle.
There the good fortune of the Roman People de-
stroyed two hostile armies in one struggle, which
was no less ruinous than it was obstinately fought.

The consulship of Titus Sicinius and Gaius Aqui-
lius. Sicinius got the Volscian war for his command,
and Aquilius that with the Hernici — for they too
were up in arms. This year the Hernici were con-
quered, while the campaign against the Volsci was
indecisive.

35i

LIVY

a.u.c. XLI. Sp. Cassius deinde et Proculus Verginius

208-269

consules facti. Cum Hernicis foedus ictum ; agri
partes duae ademptae. Inde dimidium Latinis, dimi-

2 dium plebi divisurus consul Cassius erat. Adiciebat
huic muneri agri aliquantuim quern publicum possi-
deri a privatis criminabatur. Id multos quidem
patrum, ipsos possessores, periculo rerum suarum
terrebat ; sed et publica patribus sollicitudo inerat,
largitione consulem periculosas libertati opes struere.

3 Turn primum lex agraria promulgata est, numquam
deinde usque ad hanc memoriam sine maximis moti-

4 bus rerum agitata. Consul alter largitioni resistebat
auctoribus patribus nec omni plebe adversante, quae
primo coeperat fastidire munus volgatum a civibus

5 esse in socios ; saepe deinde et Verginium consulem
in contionibus velut vaticinantem audiebat, pestilens
collegae munus esse, agros illos servitutem iis qui

6 acceperint1 laturos, regno viam fieri. Quid ita enim
adsumi socios et nomen Latinum ? Quid attinuisse2
Hernicis, paulo ante hostibus, capti agri p irtem ter-
tiam reddi, nisi ut hae gentes pro Coriolano duce

7 Cassium habeant? Popularis iam esse dissuasor et

352

1 acceperint Grynaeus : acceperant ft.

2 attinuisse i?*D2f : attinuisset fl.

BOOK II. xli. 1-7

XLL Spurius Cassius and Proculus Verginius were b.c.
then made consuls. A treaty was struck with the s<3"48
Heruici, and two-thirds of their land was taken from
them. Of this the consul Cassius proposed to divide
one half amongst the Latins and the other half
amongst the plebeians. To this gift he wished to
add some part of that land which, he charged, was
held by individuals, although it belonged to the
state. Whereupon many of the Fathers, being them-
selves in possession of the land, took fright at the
danger which threatened their interests. But the
senators were also concerned on public grounds,
namely, that the consul by his largesses should
be building up an influence perilous to liberty.
This was the first proposal for agrarian legislation,
and from that day to within living memory it has
never been brought up without occasioning the most
serious disturbances. The other consul resisted the
largess, and the Fathers supported him ; nor were the
commons solidly against him, for to begin with, they
had taken offence that the bounty had been made
genera], being extended to include allies as well as
citizens; and again, they often heard the consul Ver-
ginius declare in his speeches, as though he read the
future, that destruction lurked in the gift proposed
by his colleague ; that those lands would bring ser-
vitude to the men who should receive them, and
were being made a road to monarchy. For what
reason had there been, he asked, in including the
allies and the Latin name, and in restoring to the
Hernici, who had been enemies a short time before,
a third of the land which had been taken from them,
if it were not that these tribes might have Cassius
in the room of Coriolanus for their captain ? Popular

353

LIVY

a.u.c. intercessor legis agrariae coeperat. Uterque deinde

26S-209

consul, ut certatim, plebi indulgere. Verginius dicere
passurum se adsignari agros, dum ne cui nisi civi

8 Romano adsignentur : Cassius, quia in agraria largi-
tione ambitiosus in socios eoque civibus vilior erat,
ut alio munere sibi reconciliaret civium animos, iu-
bere pro Siculo frumento pecuniam acceptam retribui

9 populo. Id vero haud secus quam praesentem mer-
cedem regni aspernata plebes ; adeo propter suspi-
cionem insitam regni, velut abundarent omnia,

10 munera eius1 respuebantur. Quern, ubi primum
magistratu abiit, damnatum necatumque constat.
Sunt qui patrem auctorem eius supplicii ferant : eum
cognita domi causa verberasse ac necasse peculium-
que filii Cereri consecravisse ; signum inde factum

11 esse et inscriptum, "ex Cassia familia datum." In-
venio apud quosdam, idque propius fidem est, a
quaestoribus Caesone Fabio et L. Valerio diem dic-
tam perduellionis, damnatumque populi iudicio, diru-
tas publice aedes. Ea est area ante Telluris aedem.

12 Ceterum, sive illud domesticum sive publicum fuit
iudicium, damnatur Servio Cornelio Q. Fabio consu-
libus.

1 After eius the J\fSS. give in anirais hominum, ichich is
bracketed by Conway {after Vielhaber, who also ejects insitam).

354

BOOK II. xli. 7-12

favour now began to go over to the opponent and
vetoer of the land-legislation. Each consul then
began, as if vying with the other, to pamper the
plebs. Verginius said that he would permit lands
to be assigned, provided they were assigned to none
but Roman citizens. Cassius, having by his proposed
agrarian grants made a bid for the support of the
allies and thereby lowered himself in the eyes of
the Romans, desired to regain the affection of his
fellow-citizens by another donation, and proposed
that the money received from the Sicilian corn should
be paid back to the people. But this the people
spurned, as a downright attempt to purchase regal
power ; to such an extent did their instinctive
suspicion of monarchy render them scornful of his
gifts, as if they had possessed a superfluity of every-
thing; and Cassius had no sooner laid down his
office than he was condemned and executed, as
all authorities agree. There are those who say
that his father was responsible for his punish-
ment : that he tried the case in his house, and that,
after causing his son to be scourged and put to
death, he consecrated to Ceres his personal property,
from the proceeds of which a statue was made and
inscribed "the gift of the Cassian family." I find
in certain authors, and this is the more credible
account, that the quaestors Caeso Fabius and Lucius
Valerius brought him to trial for treason, and that
he was found guilty by judgment of the people and
his house pulled down by popular decree. Its site
is now the open space in front of the temple ot
Tellus. But whether it was a domestic or a state
trial, he was condemned in the consulship of Servius
Cornelius and Quintus Fabius.

355

LIVY

XLII. Haud diuturna ira populi in Cassium fuit.
Dulccdo agrariae legis ipsa per se dempto auctore
subibat animos, accensaque ea cupiditas est maligni-
tate patrunij qui devictis eo anno Volscis Aequisque

2 militem praeda fraudavere. Quidquid captum ex
hostibus est, vendidit Fabius consul ac redegit in
publicum. Invisum erat Fabium nomen plebi prop-
ter novissimum consulem ; tenuere tamen patres, ut

3 cum L. Aemilio Caeso Fabius consul crearetur. Eo
infestior facta plebes seditione domestica bellum
externum excivit. Bello deinde civiles discordiae
intermissae. Uno animo patres ac plebs rebellantes
Volscos et Aequos duce Aemilio prospera pugna

4 vicere. Plus tamen hostium fuga quam proelium
absumpsit, adeo pertinaciter fusos insecuti sunt

5 equites. Castoris aedes eodem anno idibus Quin-
tilibus dedicata est. Vota erat Latino bello a Pos-
tumio 1 dictatore : filius eius duumvir ad id ipsum
creatus dedicavit.

G Sollicitati et eo anno sunt dulcedine agrariae legis
animi plebis. Tribuni plebi popularem potestatem
lege populari celebrabant : patres satis superque
gratuiti furoris in multitudine credentes esse, largi-

1 a Postumio du Rieu : Postumio fl.

1 The temple was erected in honour of both Castor and
Pollux, but was commonly referred to by the name of the
former alone {e.g. Cicero, Mil. 91). The duumviri were a com-
mittee of two, appointed to oversee the construction and

356

BOOK II. xlii. 1-6

XLII. It was not long before the people forgot
the anger they had felt against Cassius. The in-
herent attractiveness of the agrarian legislation ap-
pealed to them on its own account, when its author
had been removed, and their desire for it was enhanced
by the meanness of the Fathers, who after the defeat
in that year of the Volsci and the Aequi defrauded
the soldiers of their booty. Whatever was taken
from the enemy Fabius sold and placed the proceeds
in the public treasury. The Fabian name was hateful
to the plebs, on the last consul's account ; neverthe-
less the patricians succeeded in procuring the election
of Caeso Fabius to that office, along with Lucius Aemi-
lius. This increased the rancour of the plebeians,
and by their seditions at home they brought about a
foreign war. The war then caused domestic strife to
be interrupted, while with one mind and purpose pa-
tricians and plebeians met the rebellious Volsci and
Aequi and, led by Aemilius, defeated them in a suc-
cessful action. Yet more of the enemy perished in
flight than in the battle, so relentlessly did the cavalry
pursue their routed forces. Castor's temple was dedi-
cated the same year, on the fifteenth of July. It
had been vowed during the Latin war by Postumius,
the dictator. His son, being made duumvir for this
special purpose, dedicated it.1

The desires of the plebs were this year again ex-
cited by the charms of the land-law. The tribunes
of the plebs endeavoured to recommend their demo-
cratic office by a democratic law, while the senators,
who thought there was frenzy enough and to spare
in the populace, without rewarding it, shuddered at

dedication of a temple when the man who had vowed it died
without accomplishing his task.

357

LIVY

a.u.c. 7 tiones temeritatisque invitamenta horrebant. Acer-

270-271 ^ U

rimi patribus duces ad resistendum consules fuere.
Ea igitur pars rei publicae vicit nec in praesens modo
sed in venientem etiam annum M. Fabium, Caesonis
fratrem, et magis invisum alterum plebi accusatione

8 Sp. Cassia L. Valerium, consules dedit. Certatum eo
quoque anno cum tribunis est. Vana lex vanique
legis auctores iactando inritum munus facti. Fabium
inde nomen ingens post tres continuos consulatus
unoque velut tenore omnes expertos tribuniciis cer-
taminibus habitum ; itaque, ut bene locatus, mansit
in ea familia aliquamdiu honos. Bellum inde Veiens

9 initum, et Volsci rebellarunt. Sed ad bella externa
prope supererant vires, abutebanturque iis inter

10 semet ipsos certando. Accessere ad aegras iam om-
nium mentes prodigia caelestia, prope cotidianas in
urbe agrisque ostentantia minas ; motique ita numinis
causam nullam aliam vates canebant publice priva-
timque nunc extis nunc per aves consult^ quam haud

11 rite sacra fieri. Qui terrores tandem 1 eo evasere
ut Oppia virgo Vestalis damnata incesti poenas
dederit.

1 tandem Madvig : tamen CI : omitted in 0.

1 For the next four years, making seven successive years
in all, the Fabii were represented in the consulate.

353

BOOK II. xlh. 6—i i

the thought of land-grants and encouragements to
rashness. The most strenuous of leaders were at
hand for the senatorial opposition, in the persons of
the consuls. Their party was therefore victorious and
not only won an immediate success but, besides,
elected as consuls for the approaching year Marcus
Fabius, Caeso's brother, and one whom, on account
of the prosecution of Spurius Cassius, the people
hated even more, namely, Lucius Valerius. This
year also there was a conflict with the tribunes.
Nothing came of the legislation, and its supporters
fell into contempt, from boasting of a measure which
they could not carry through. The Fabii were thence-
forward held in great repute, after their three succes-
sive consulships, which had all without interruption
been subjected to the proof of struggles with the
tribunes; accordingly the office, as if well invested,
was permitted to remain some time in that family.1
War then broke out with Veii, and the Volsci
revolted. But for foreign wars there was almost a
superabundance of resources, and men misused them
in quarrelling amongst themselves. To increase the
general anxiety which was now felt, portents imply-
ing the anger of the gods were of almost daily
occurrence in the City and the country. For this
expression of divine wrath no other reason was
alleged by the soothsayers, when they had enquired
into it both officially and privately, sometimes by
inspecting entrails and sometimes by observing the
flight of birds, than the failure duly to observe the
rites of religion. These alarms at length resulted
in the condemnation of Oppia, a Vestal virgin, for
unchastity, and her punishment.

359

LIVY

XLIII. Q. Fabius inde ct C. Iulius1 consules
facti. Eo anno non 2 segnior discordia domi et hel-
ium foris atrocius fuit. Ab Aequis arma sumpta :
Veientes agrum quoque Romanorum populantes ini-
enint. Quorum beliorum crescente cura Caeso Fabius

2 et Sp. Furius consules hunt. Ortonam, Latinam
urbem, Aequi oppugnabant : Veientes pleni iam
populationum Romam ipsam se oppugnaturos mina-

3 bantur. Qui terrores cum compescere deberent,
auxere insuper animos plebis ; redibatque non sua
sponte plebi mos detractandi militiam, sed Sp.
Licinius tribunus plebis, venisse tempus ratus per
ultimam necessitatem legis agrariae patribus iniun-
gendae, susceperat rem militarem impediendam.

4 Ceterum tota invidia tribuniciae potestatis versa in
auctorem est., nec in eum consules acrius quam
ipsius 3 collegae coorti sunt, auxilioque eorum dilec-

5 turn consules habent. Ad duo simul bella exercitus
scribitur ; ducendus Fabio in Aequos, Furio datur
in Veientes. In Veientes nihil dignum memoria

6 gestum; et in Aequis quidem Fabio aliquanto plus
negotii cum civibus quam cum hostibus fuit.4 Unus
ille vir, ipse consul, rem publicam sustinuit, quam
exercitus odio consulis, quantum in se fuit, prodebat.

7 Nam cum consul praeter ceteras imperatorias artes,
quas parando gerendoque bello edidit plurimas, ita

1 Iulins Sigonius [from Dion. Hal. viii. 90. 5 and Cassiod.
C.I.L. i2, p. 101) : tullius CI.

2 anno non Cl : anno M (cf. §4).
a ipsius Jiff : ipsius eius Cl.

4 The words ducendus to fuit give the text as restored by
Conway and Walters (cf Class. Quart. 1910, p. 276) : the
good MSS. order the words thus: ducendus Fabio in Veientes,
in Aequos Furio datur, et in Aequis quidem nihil dignum
memoria gestum est ; Fabio aliquanto plus negotii cum
ciuibus quam cum hostibus fuit.

360

BOOK II. xliii. 1-7

XLIII. Quintus Fabius and Gaius Julius were
then made consuls. This year there was no less dis-
cord at home, and the menace of war was greater.
The Aequi took up arms, and the Veientes even
made a foray into Roman territory. During the
increasing anxiety occasioned by these campaigns
Caeso Fabius and Spurius Furius were elected to
the consulship. Ortona, a Latin city, was being
besieged by the Aequi ; while the Veientes, who by
this time had their fill of rapine, were threatening
to attack Rome itself. These alarms, though they
should have restrained the animosity of the plebeians,
actually heightened it ; and they resumed their
custom of refusing service, though not of their own
initiative ; for it was Spurius Licinius, tribune of the
plebs, who, deeming that the moment had come for
forcing a land-law on the patricians by the direst
necessity, had undertaken to obstruct the prepara-
tions for war. But he drew upon his own head all
the odium attaching to the tribunician office, nor did
the consuls inveigh against him more fiercely than
did his own colleagues, and with their help the con-
suls held a levy. Armies were enlisted for two wars
at the same time ; the command of one, which was
to invade the Aequi, was given to Fabius, while with
the other Furius was to oppose the Veientes. Against
the Veientes nothing worth recording was accom-
plished ; and in the Aequian campaign Fabius had
somewhat more trouble with his fellow-Romans than
with the enemy. That one man, the consul himself,
preserved the state, which the army in its hatred of
the consul would, so far as it was able, have betrayed.
For when the consul, besides the many other in-
stances of good generalship which he displayed in

361

LIVY

instruxisset aciem, ut solo equitatu emisso exercitum

8 hostium funderet, insequi fusos pedes noluit; nec
illos, etsi non adhortatio invisi ducis, suum saltern
flagitium et publicum in praesentia dedecus, post-
modo periculum, si animus hosti redisset, cogere
potuit gradum adcelerare aut, si aliud nihil, stare1

9 instructos. Iniussu signa referunt maestique — cre-
deres victos — exsecrantes nunc imperatorem nunc

10 navatam ab equite operam, redeunt in castra. Nec
huic tarn pestilenti exemplo reinedia ulla ab impera-
tore quaesita sunt ; adeo excellentibus ingeniis citius
defuerit ars qua civem regant, quam qua hostem

1 1 superent. Consul Romam rediit non tarn belli gloria
aucta quam inritato exacerbatoque in se militum
odio. Obtinuere tamen patres ut in Fabia gente
consulatus maneret ; M. Fabium consulem creant,
Fabio collega Cn. Manlius2 datur.

XLIV. Et hie annus tribunum auctorem legis
agrariae habuit. Tib. Pontificius fuit. Is eandem
viam velut processisset Sp. Licinio ingressus dilec-
2 turn paulisper impediit. Perturbatis iterum patribus
Ap. Claudius victam tribuniciam potestatem dicere
priore anno, in praesentia re, exemplo in perpetuum,

1 stare Muretus : instare (instrare 0) H.

a Manlius ed. Aid. {from n. xlvii. 1, Dion. Hal. ix. 5. 1,
and Diod. xi. 50; but Caaaiod. C.I.L. i2, p. 101 has Cn.
Mallius) : Maniliua (or Mam-) ft.

362

BOOK II. xLin. 7-xliv. 2

preparing for the war and in his conduct of it, had so b.c.
drawn up the battle-line that a charge of the cavalry 4S2~480
alone sufficed to rout the enemy's army, the foot re-
fused to pursue the flying foe ; nor could even their
own sense of guilt — to say nothing of the exhorta-
tion of their hated general, — nor even the thought
of the immediate disgrace to all, and the danger they
must presently incur if the enemy should recover
his courage, compel them to quicken their pace, or,
if nothing else, to stand in their ranks. Contrary to
orders they retreated and returned to their camp, in
such dejection that you would have supposed them
beaten, now uttering execrations against their leader
and now against the efficient services of the horse.
Ruinous though their example was, the general found
no remedy for it ; so true is it that noble minds are
oftener lacking in the qualities by which men govern
their fellow-citizens than in those by which they
conquer an enemy. The consul returned to Rome,
having purchased more hatred of his irritated and
embittered soldiers than won increase in military
fame. Nevertheless the Fathers held out for the
retention of the consulship in the Fabian family.
Marcus Fabius was the man they elected, and they
gave him Gnaeus Manlius as a colleague.

XLI V. This year also had a tribune who advocated b.c. 480
a land-law, Tiberius Pontificius. He set out on the
same path that Spurius Licinius had trodden, as
though Licinius had been successful, and for a time
obstructed the levy. The senators were again thrown
into consternation, but Appius Claudius told them
that the tribunician power had been overcome the
year before, actually for the time being, and potentially

363

LIVY

quando inventum sit suis ipsam viribus dissolvi.

3 Neque enim uraquam dcfuturum qui et ex collega
victoriam sibi et gratiam melioris partis bono publico
velit quaesitam ; et plures, si pluribus opus sit^ tri-
bunos ad auxilium consulum paratos fore, et unum

4 vel adversus omnes satis esse. Darent modo et con-
sules et primores patrum operam ut, si minus omnes,
aliquos tamen ex tribunis rei publicae ac senatui

5 conciliarent. Praeceptis Appi moniti patres et uni-
versi comiter ac benigne tribunos appellare, et con-
sulares, ut cuique eorum privatim aliquid iuris ad-
versus singulos erat, partim gratia partim auctoritate
obtinuere ut tribuniciae potestatis vires salubres

G vellent rei publicae esse ; quattuorque 1 tribunorum
adversus unum moratorem publici commodi auxilio
dilectum consules habent.

7 Inde ad Veiens bellum profecti, quo undique ex
Etruria auxilia convenerant, non tarn Veientium
gratia concitata quam quod in spem ventum erat
discordia intestina dissolvi rem Romanam posse.

8 Principesque in omnium Etruriae populorum con-
ciliis fremebant aeternas opes esse Romanas, nisi
inter semet ipsi seditionibus saeviant. Id unum
venenum, earn labem civitatibus opulentis repertam,

1 quattuorque {cf. n. xxxiii. 2 ; in. xxx. 7) : nouemque
(noque M) Cl {? ix for iv).

3^4

BOOK II. xliv, 2-8

for ever, since a way had been discovered for em- b.c. 480
ploying its resources to its own undoing. For
there would always be some tribune who would be
willing to gain a personal victory over his colleague,
and obtain the favour of the better element, while
doing the nation a service. There would be a number
of tribunes, if a number should be needed, who would
be ready to help the consuls ; and a single one was
enough, though opposed to all the rest. Only let
the consuls, and the leading senators as well, make
a point of winning over, if not all, at any rate some
of the tribunes to the state and the senate. Acting
on the instructions of Appius, the Fathers began as
a class to address the tribunes in a courteous and
kindly manner; and those who were of consular
rank, when it happened that any of them had any
private claim upon an individual tribune, brought
it about, in part by personal influence, in part by
political, that those officials were disposed to use
their powers for the good of the state ; and four of
them, as against one who would have hindered
the general good, assisted the consuls to hold the
muster.

The army then set out for a war with the Veientes,
to whose help forces had rallied from every quarter
of Etruria, not so much roused by goodwill towards
the men of Veii as by hopes that civil discord might
effect the downfall of the Roman state. And indeed
the leading men in the councils of all the Etrurian
peoples were wrathfully complaining that there would
be no end to the power of the Romans unless factional
quarrels should set them to fighting amongst them-
selves. They asserted that this was the only poison,
the only decay which had been found to work upon

365

LIVY

a.u.c. 9 ut magna imperia mortalia essent. Diu sustentatum

274

id malum^ partim patrum consiliis partim patientia
plebis, iam ad extrema venisse. Daas civitates ex
una factas, suos cuique parti magistrate suas leges

10 esse. Primum in dilectibus saevire solitos, eosdem
in bello tamen paruisse ducibus. Qualicumque urbis
statu manente disciplina militari sisti potuisse ; iam
non parendi magistratibus morem in castra quoque

11 Romanum militem sequi. Proximo bello in ipsa acie,
in ipso certamine consensu exercitus traditam ultro
victoriam victis Aequis, signa deserta, imperatorem

12 in acie relictum, iniussu in castra reditum. Profecto,
si instetur, suo milite vinci Romam posse. Nihil
aliud opus esse quam indici ostendique bellum ;
cetera sua sponte fata et deos gesturos. Hae spes
Etruscos armaverant, multis in vicem casibus victos
victoresque. XLV. Consules quoque Romani nihil
praeterea aliud quam suas vires, sua arma horrebant.
Memoria pessimi proximo bello exempli terrebat ne
rem committerent eo ubi duae simul acies timendae

2 essent. Itaque castris se tenebant, tarn ancipiti
periculo aversi : diem tempusque forsitan ipsum leni-

366

BOOK II. XLIV. 8-XLV. 2

opulent states, so as to make great empires transitory. b.c. 4S0
For a long time the Romans had withstood this evil,
thanks partly to the prudence of the senate, partly to
the patience of the plebs ; but they had now come
to a crisis. Two states had been created out of one :
each faction had its own magistrates, its own laws.
At first, though they had a way of fiercely opposing
the levies, yet when war began they had obeyed
their generals. No matter what the condition of
things in the City, so long as military discipline held
it had been possible to make a stand ; but now the
fashion of disobeying magistrates was following the
Roman soldier even to his camp. In their latest war,
when the army was already drawn up for battle, and
at the very instant of conflict, they had with one
accord actually handed over the victory to the con-
quered Aequi, had deserted their standards, had left
their general on the field, and had returned, against
his orders, to their camp. Assuredly if her enemies
pressed forward they could vanquish Rome by means
of her own soldiers. There needed nothing more
than to make a declaration and a show of war ; Fate
and the gods would of their own will do the rest.
Such were the hopes which had led the Etruscans
to take up arms, after many a shifting hazard of de-
feat and victory. XLV. The Roman consuls also felt
that they had nothing else to dread but their own
forces and their own arms. The recollection of the
heinous example set in the last war deterred them
from offering battle in a situation where they would
be in danger from two armies at the same time. Ac-
cordingly they kept within their camp, restrained by
the thought of so grave a peril : time and circum-
stances would perhaps assuage the anger of the men

367

LIVY

3 turum iras sanitatemque animis allaturum. Veiens
hostis Etruscique eo magis pr.iepropcre agere ; laces-
sere ad pugnam primo obequitando castris provocan-
doque, postremo, ut nihil movebant, qua consules

4 ipsos qua excrcitum increpando : simulationem intes-
tinae discord iae remedium timoris inventum, et con-
sules magis non confidere quam non credere suis
militibus ; novum seditionis genus, silentium otium-
que inter armatos. Ad haec in novitatem generis

5 originisque qua falsa, qua vera iacere. Haec cum
sub ipso vallo portisque streperent, haud aegre con-
sules pati ; at imperitae multitudini nunc indignatio,
nunc pudor pectora versare et ab intestinis avertere
malis ; nolle inultos hostes, nolle successum non pa-
tribus, non consulibus ; externa et domestica odia

6 certare in animis. Tandem superant externa, adeo
superbe insolentcrque hostis eludebat. Frequentes
in praetorium conveniunt; poscunt pugnam, postu-

7 lant ut signum detur. Consules velut deliberabundi
capita conferunt, diu conloquuntur. Pugnare cupie-
bant, sed retro revocanda et abdenda 1 cupiditas erat,
ut adversando remorandoque incitato semel militi

8 adderent impetum. Redditur responsum immaturam

1 abdenda $- Gcbharcl : addenda fl.

1 The headquarters of the consul, who was originally called
praetor.

368

BOOK II. xi,v. 2-8

and bring them to their senses. Their enemies the b.c. 4S0
Veientes and the other Etruscans were for that reason
the more in haste to act ; they attempted to provoke
the Romans to fight, at first by riding up to their
camp and challenging them to come out, and finally,
when they gained nothing by this, by shouting insults
both at the consuls themselves and at the army. They
said that their pretended want of harmony amongst
themselves had been resorted to in order to conceal
their fear, and that the consuls distrusted the courage
of their men even more than their loyalty ; it was a
strange kind of mutiny where armed men were silent
and inactive. To these taunts they added others upon
the newness of their race and origin, partly false and
partly true. This abuse, noisily uttered beneath the
very rampart and the gates, was endured unconcern-
edly enough by the consuls. But the inexperienced
rank and file, stirred now by indignation and now
by shame, were diverted from the thought of their
domestic troubles ; they were unwilling that their
enemies should go unpunished; they were unwilling
that the patricians, that the consuls should obtain a
success ; hatred of the foe contended in their bosoms
with hatred of their fellow-citizens. At length the
former feeling got the upper hand, so proud and in-
solent was the jeering of the enemy. They gathered
in crowds at the praetorium,1 demanded battle, re-
quested that the signal should be given. The con-
suls, as though considering the matter, put their
heads together and conferred for a long time. They
desired to fight, but it was needful to keep back
their desire and conceal it, that by opposition and
delay they might stimulate to fury the already eager
soldiery. The men were therefore told that the

369

LIVY

rem ag\, nondum tempus pugnae esse ; castris se
tenerent. Edicunt inde ut abstineant pugna : si quis
9 iniussu pugnaverit, ut in hostem animadversuros. Ita
dimissis, quo minus consules velle credunt, crescit
ardor pugnandi. Accendunt insuper hostes ferocius
multo, ut statuisse non pugnare consules cognitum

10 est : quippe impune se insultaturos, non credi militi
arma, rem ad ultimum seditionis erupturam, finemque
venisse Romano imperio. His freti occursant portis,
ingerunt probra, aegre abstinent quin castra oppug-

11 nent. Enimvero non ultra contumeliam ])ati Roma-
nus posse ; totis castris undique ad consules curritur;
non iam 1 sensim, ut ante, per centurionum principes
postulant, sed passim omnes clamoribus agunt. Ma-

12 tura res erat ; tergiversantur tamen. Fabius deinde
ad crescentem tumultum iam metu seditionis collega
concedente, cum silentium classico fecisset : " Ego
istos, Cn. Manli,2 posse vincere scio ; velle ne scirem

13 ipsi fecerunt. Itaque certum atque decretum est
non dare signum, nisi victores se redituros ex hac
pugna iurant. Consulem Romanum miles semel in
acie fefellit, deos numquam fallet." Centurio erat

1 iam Bf : tarn n. 2 Manli : Manili fl.

370

BOOK II. xlv. 8-13

thing was premature, that the time for battle had B.c. 480
not yet come ; that they must keep within the camp.
Then the consuls issued an order to abstain from
fighting, declaring that if any man fought without
orders they should treat him as an enemy. Dismissed
with these words, the less inclination the soldiers
discovered in the consuls the greater became their
own eagerness for the fray. They were still further
exasperated by the enemy, who were much bolder
even than before, when the consuls' determination
not to fight became known : it was clear that they
could insult the Romans with impunity; their soldiers
were not trusted with weapons, the affair would cul-
minate in absolute mutiny, and the end of the Roman
power had come. Relying on these convictions, they
charged up to the gates, flung gibes at their de-
fenders, and scarcely refrained from assaulting the
camp. At this the Romans could no longer brook
their insults ; from all over the camp they came
running to the consuls. There were no more cautious
requests, preferred through the chief centurions, but
on all sides arose a general clamour. The time was
ripe ; nevertheless the consuls hung back. Then
Fabius, when his colleague, beginning to fear mutiny,
was on the point of yielding to the growing tumult,
commanded silence by a trumpet-blast and said :
" I know, Gnaeus Manlius, that these men have the
power to conquer, but their will to do so I know not;
and for this they are themselves to blame. I am
therefore resolved and determined not to give the
signal unless they swear that they will return vic-
torious from this engagement. Once, in a battle, the
soldiers betrayed a Roman consul: they will never
betray the gods." There was a centurion named

371

LIVY

M. Flavoleius, inter primores pugnae flagitator,

14 "Victor," inquit, (( M. Fabi, rcvertar ex acie." Si
fallat, Iuvein patrem Gradivumque Martem aliosque
iratos invocat deos. Idem deinceps omnis exercitus
in se quisque iurat. Iuratis datur signum ; arma
capiunt ; eunt in pugnam irarum speique pleni.

15 Nunc iubent Etruscos probra iacere, nunc armati

16 sibi quisque lingua promptum hostem offerri. Om-
nium illo die, qua plebis qua patrum, eximia virtus
fuit ; Fabium nomen 1 maxime enituit. Multis civili-
bus certaminibus infensos plebis animos ilia pugna
sibi reconciliare statuunt.

XLVI. lnstruitur acies, nec Veiens hostis Etrus-
caeque legiones detractant. Prope certa sj)es erat
non magis secum pugnaturos quam pugnaverint cum
Aequis ; maius quoque aliquod in tarn inritatis animis
et occasione ancipiti haud desperandum esse facinus.

2 Res aliter longe evenit; nam non alio ante bello
infestior Romanus — adeo hinc contumeliis hostes,
hinc consules mora exacerbaverant — proelium iniit.

3 Vix explicandi ordinis spatium Etruscis fuit, cum
pilis inter primam trepidationem abiectis temere
magis quam emissis pugna iam in manus, iam ad

4 gladios, ubi Mars est atrocissimus., venerat. Inter

1 Fabium nomen Madvig : fabium nomen labia gens Q.
372

BOOK II. xlv. 13-ALvi. 4

Marcus Flavoleius, who had been among the foremost b.c. 4sr
in demanding battle. " I will return victorious from
the field, Marcus Fabius," he cried, and invoked the
wrath of Father Jupiter, Mars Gradivus, and the
other gods, if he failed to keep his vow. The same
pledge was then taken in order by the entire
army, each man invoking its penalties upon himself.
When they had sworn, the signal sounded. They
armed and entered the fight, angry and confident.
Now let the Etruscans fling their taunts ! Now
— they all cried — now, when they were armed,
let the lip-bold enemy face them ! On that day
they all showed splendid courage, both commoners
and nobles, but the Fabian name was especially dis-
tinguished. In the course of many political struggles
they had estranged the plebs, and they resolved to
regain their goodwill in that battle.

XLVI. The line was drawn up, nor did the Veientes
and the Etruscan levies shun the encounter. They
felt almost certain that the Romans would no more
fight with them than they had fought with the Aequi.
That they might even be guilty of some greater
enormity, exasperated as they were, and possessed
of a critical opportunity, was not too much to hope.
But it turned out quite otherwise. For there had
never been a war when the Romans went into battle
with a keener hostility — so embittered had they
been, on the one hand by the enemy's insults, on
the other by the procrastination of the consuls. The
Etruscans had barely had time to deploy when their
enemies, who in the first excitement had rather
cast their javelins at random than fairly aimed them,
were already come to sword-strokes at close quarters,
where fighting is the fiercest. The Fabian clan was

373

LIVY

primores genus Fabium insigne spectaculo exem-
ploque civibus erat. Ex his Q. Fabium — tertio hie
anno ante consul fuerat — principem in confertos
Veientes euntera ferox viribus et armorum arte
Tuscus, incautum inter multas versantem1 hostium
manus; gladio per pectus transfigit ; telo extracto

5 praeceps Fabius in volnus cadit.2 Sensit utraque
acies unius viri casum, cedebatque inde Romanus,
cum M. Fabius consul transiluit iacentis corpus
obiectaque parma, " Hoc iurastis/' inquit, "milites,

6 fugientes vos in castra redituros ? Adeo ignavissi-
mos hostes magis timetis quam Iovem Martemque,
per quos iurastis? At ego iniuratus aut victor re-
vertar aut prope te hie, Q. Fabi, dimicans cadam."
Consuli turn Caeso 3 Fabius, prioris anni consul :
" Verbisne istis, frater, ut pugnent te impetraturum

7 credis ? Di impetrabunt, per quos iuravere ; et nos,
ut decet proceres, ut Fabio nomine est dignum, pug-
nando potius quam adhortando accendamus militum
animos ! " Sic in primum infensis hastis provolant
duo Fabii totamque moverunt secum aciem.

XLVII. Proelio ex parte una restituto nihilo
segnius in cornu altero Cn. Manlius consul pugnam
2 ciebat, ubi prope similis fortuna est versata. Nam
ut altero in cornu Q. Fabium, sic in hoc ipsum

1 versantem D2 (or D])$-'- uersantes CI,

2 cadit H. J, Miiller; abiit CI.

3 Caeso f : gaius CI i c U : graus H.

374

BOOK II. XLVI. 4-XLVII. 2

conspicuous among the foremost, a spectacle and en- b.c. 480
couragement to their fellow-citizens. One of them,
the Quintus Fabius who had been consul three years
before, was leading the attack on the closely mar-
shalled Veientes, when a Tuscan, exulting in his
strength and skill at arms, caught him unawares in
the midst of a crowd of his enemies and drove his
sword through his breast. As the blade was with-
drawn Fabius fell headlong upon his wound. It
was but the fall of one man, but both armies felt
it ; and the Romans were giving way at that point,
when Marcus Fabius the consul leaped over the
prostrate corpse and, covering himself with his
target, cried, " Was this your oath, men, that you
would return to your camp in flight ? Do you
then fear the most dastardly of foes more than
Jupiter and Mars, by whom you swore? But I,
though I have sworn no oath, will either return
victorious or fall fighting here by you, Quintus
Fabius !" To this speech of the consul Caeso Fabius,
consul of the year before, made answer, " Think you
that your words will persuade them to fight, brother ?
The gods will persuade them, by whom they have
sworn. And let us, as is meet for nobles, as is worthy
of the name of Fabius, kindle by fighting rather than
by exhortation the courage of our soldiers ! " With
that the two Fabii rushed into the press with levelled
spears and carried the whole line forward with
them.

XLVII. Thus the fortune of the day was re-
trieved in one part of the field. On the other wing
Gnaeus Manlius the consul was urging on the fight
with no less vigour, when almost the same thing
happened. For as Quintus Fabius had done on the

375

LIVY

consulem Manlium iam velut fusos agentem hostes
et inpigre milites secuti sunt et, ut ille gravi
volnere ictus ex acie cessit, interfectum rati

3 gradum rettulere ; cessisseutque loco, ni consul
alter cum aliquot turmis equitum in earn partem
citato equo advectus., vivere clamitans collegam, se
victorem fuso altero cornu adesse, rem inclinatam

4 sustinuisset. Manlius quoque ad restituendam
aciem se ipse coram ofFert. Duorum consulum cog-
nita ora accendunt militum animos. Simul et
vanior iam erat hostium acies, dum abundante multi-
tudine freti subtracta subsidia mittunt ad castra op-

5 pugnanda. In quae haud magno certamine impetu
facto, dum 1 praedae magis quam pugnae memores
tererent tempus, triarii Romani, qui primam inrup-
tionem sustinere non potuerant, missis ad consules
nuntiis quo loco res essent, conglobati ad praetorium

G redeunt et sua sponte ipsi proelium renovant. Et
Manlius consul revectus in castra ad omnes portas
milite o])posito hostibus viam clauserat. Ea despe-
ratio Tuscis rabiem magis quam audaciam accendit.
Nam cum incursantes, quacumque exitum ostenderet
spes, vano aliquotiens impetu issent, globus iuvenum
unus in ipsum consulem insignem armis invadit.

1 dum n {including M1 or Ml) : cum Gronov. M.
37^

BOOK II. xlvii. 2-6

other flank, so here the consul Manlius was personally b.c. 480
leading the attack upon the enemy, whom he had
almost routed, for his soldiers followed him valiantly,
when he was severely wounded and retired from the
fighting line. His men believed him to be dead, and
faltered ; and they would have yielded the position,
had not the other consul ridden up at a gallop, with
some few troops of horse, and calling out that his
colleague was alive, and that he himself had defeated
and routed the other wing and was come to help
them, in that way put a stop to their wavering.
Manlius also showed himself among them, helping to
restore the line ; and the soldiers, recognizing the
features of their two consuls, plucked up courage.
At the same time the battle-line of the enemy was
now less strong, for, relying on their excess of numbers,
they had withdrawn their reserves and dispatched
them to storm the Roman camp. There, having forced
an entrance without encountering much opposition,
they were frittering away their time, their thoughts
more taken up with the booty than with the battle,
when the Roman reserves, which had been unable to
withstand the first onset, sent word to the consuls
how things stood, and then closed up their ranks, re-
turned to the praetorium, and of themselves resumed
the battle. Meanwhile Manlius the consul had ridden
back to the camp, and by posting men at all the
gates had cut off the enemy's egress. In desperation
at this turn the Etruscans had been inflamed to the
point rather of madness than of recklessness. For
when, as they rushed in whatever direction there
seemed a prospect of escape, they had made several
charges to no purpose, one band of youths made a
dash at the consul himself, whose arms made him con-

377

LIVY

a.u.o. 7 Prima excepta a circumstantibus tela ; sustineri de-

274 1

inde vis nequit. Consul mortifero volnere ictus

8 cadit, fusique circa omnes. Tuscis crescit audacia ;
Romanos terror per tota castra trepidos agit, et ad
extrema ventum foret, ni legati rapto consulis cor-

9 pore patefecissent una porta hostibus viam. Ea
erumpunt ; consternatoque agmine abeuntes in vic-
torem alterum incidunt consulem. Ibi iterum caesi
fusique passim. Victoria egregia parta, tristis tamen

10 duobus tarn claris funeribus. Itaque consul decer-
nente senatu triumphum, si exercitus sine imperatore
triumphare possit, pro eximia eo bello opera facile
passurum respondit ; se, familia funesta Q. Fabi
fratris morte, re publica ex parte orba_, consule altero
amisso, publico privatoque deformem luctu lauream

11 non accepturum. Omni acto triumpho depositus
triumphus clarior fuit ; adeo spreta in tempore gloria
interdum cumulatior rediit. Funera deinde duo
deinceps collegae fratrisque ducit, idem in utroque
laudator, cum concedendo illis suas laudes ipse maxi-

12 mam partem earum ferret. Neque immemor eius,
quod initio consulatus imbiberat, reconciliandi ani-

378

BOOK II. xlvii. 7-12

spicuous. Their first discharge of javelins was parried b.c. 480
by the soldiers who surrounded him, but after that
there was no withstanding their violence. The consul
fell, mortally wounded, and all about him fled. The
Etruscans grew more reckless than before; the
Romans were driven, quaking with terror, right across
the camp, and their case would have been desperate,
had not the lieutenants caught up the body of the con-
sul and opened a way for the enemy by one of the gates.
By that they burst forth, and escaping in a disordered
column, fell in the way of the other, the victorious
consul, where they were again cut to pieces, and dis-
persed in all directions. A victory of great importance
had been won, but it was saddened by the death of two
so famous men. The consul therefore made answer
to the senate, when it would have voted him a
triumph, that if the army could triumph without its
general, its services in that war had been so remarkable
that he would readily grant his consent ; as for him-
self, when his family was in mourning for die death
of Quintus Fabius his brother, and the state was half
orphaned by the loss of the other consul, he would
not accept a laurel which was blighted with national
and private sorrow. No triumph ever celebrated was
more famous than was his refusal to accept a triumph,
so true is it that a seasonable rejection of glory some-
times but increases it. The consul then solemnized,
one after the other, the funerals of his colleague and
his brother, and pronounced the eulogy of each ;
but while yielding their meed of praise to them,
he gained for himself the very highest praises.
Nor was he unmindful of that policy which he had
adopted in the beginning of his consulship, of
winning the affections of the plebs, but billeted the

379

LIVY

a.u c. mos plebis, saucios milites curandos dividit patribus.

274

Fabiis plurimi dati, nec alibi maiore cura habiti.
Inde populares iam esse Fabii nec hoc ulla1 nisi
salubri rei publicae arte.2
A.u.c XLVIII. Igitur non patrum magis quam plebis

studiis Caeso 3 Fabius cum T. Verginio consul factus
neque belli4 neque dilectus neque ullam aliam pri-
orem curam agere quam ut iam aliqua ex parte
incohata concordiae spe primo quoque tempore cum

2 patribus coalescerent animi plebis. Itaque principio
anni censuit, priusquam quisquam agrariae legis
auctor tribunus exsisteret, occuparent patres ipsi suum
munus facere, captivum agrum plebi quam maxime
aequaliter darent : verum esse habere eos quorum

3 sanguine ac sudore partus sit. Aspernati patres
sunt; questi quoque quidam nimia gloria luxuriare
et evanescere vividum quondam illud Caesonis in-
genium. Nullae deinde urbanae factiones fuere.

i Vexabantur incursionibus Aequorum Latini. Eo cum
exercitu Caeso missus in ipsorum Aequorum agrum
depopulandum transit. Aequi se in oppida recepe-
runt murisque se tenebant. Eo nulla pugna memo-
rabtfis fuit.

5 At a Veiente hoste clades accepta temeritate alte •

1 ulla Gruter : ulla re £1 : nulla re PFB : nalereni DL.
t rei publicae arte Gruter {now confirmed by reiparte FB) :
reip. parte £1.

3 Caeso {i.e. Ceso) R\{cf. G.I.L. i2, p. 101): c, M {Con-
way and Walters think this may be a corruption of ce = eae-) :
c. {or g. or q. ) fl. * belli Hearne D ? : bella H.

380

BOOK II. XLVII. I2-XLV11I. 5

wounded soldiers on the patricians, to be cared for. B.o. 480
To the Fabii he assigned the largest number, nor
did they anywhere receive greater attention. For
this the Fabii now began to enjoy the favour of the
people, nor was this end achieved by aught but a
demeanour wholesome for the state.

XLV1II. The senators were now therefore not b.o. 479
more forward than the plebeians in choosing Caeso
Fabius to be consul, along with Titus Verginius. On
taking office his first concern was neither war nor
the raising of troops nor anything else, save that the
prospect of harmony which had been already partly
realized should ripen at the earliest possible moment
into a good understanding between the patricians
and the plebs. He therefore proposed at the outset
of his term that before one of the tribunes should
rise up and advocate a land-law, the Fathers them-
selves should anticipate him by making it their own
affair and bestowing the conquered territory upon
the plebs with the utmost impartiality ; for it was
right that they should possess it by whose blood and
toil it had been won. The senators scorned the pro-
posal, and some even complained that too much glory
was spoiling and dissipating that vigorous intellect
which Caeso had once possessed. In the sequel there
were no outbreaks of strife and faction in the City,
but the Latins were plagued with incursions of the
Aequi. Thither Caeso was dispatched with an army,
and passed over into the Aequians' own country to
lay it waste. The Aequi retired to their towns and
kept within their walls. For this reason there was
no memorable battle.

But the Veientes inflicted a defeat on the Romans
owing to the rashness of the other consul ; and the

vol. 1.

381

o

LIVY

rius consulis, actumque de exercitu foret, ni K. Fabius
in tempore subsidio venisset. Ex eo tempore neque
pax neque bellum cum Veientibus fuit; res proxime

6 formam 1 latrocinii venerat. Legionibus Romanis
cedebant in urbem ; ubi abductas senserant legiones,
agros incursabant, bellum quiete quietem bello in
vicem eludentes. Ita neque omitti tota res nec per-
fici poterat. Et alia bella aut praesentia instabant,
ut ab Aequis Volscisque, non diutius quam recens
dolor proximae cladis transiret quiescentibus, aut
mox moturos2 esse apparebat Sabinos semper in-

7 festos Etruriamque omnem, Sed Veiens hostis, ad-
siduus magis quam gravis, contumeliis saepius quam
periculo animos agitabat, quod nullo tempore neglegi

8 poterat aut averti alio sinebat. Turn Fabia gens
senatum adiit. Consul pro gente loquitur : " Ad-
siduo magis quam magno praesidio, ut scitis, patres
conscripti, bellum Veiens eget. Vos alia bella curate,
Fabios hostes Veientibus date. Auctores sumus tu-

9 tarn ibi maiestatem Romani nominis fore. Nostrum
id nobis velut familiare bellum privato sumptu gerere
in animo est : res publica et milite illic et pecunia

10 vacet." Gratiae ingentes actae. Consul e curia
egressus comitante Fabiorum agmine, qui in vesti-
bulo curiae senatus consultum exspectantes stet-

1 formam : in forniam H.

2 moturos Madvig : moturos se fl.

3^2

BOOK II. xlviii. 5-10

army would have been destroyed if Caeso Fahius b.c. 479
had not come, in the nick of time, to its rescue.
Thenceforward there was neither peace nor war with
the Veientes, but something very like freebooting.
In the face of the Roman legions they would retreat
into their city ; when they perceived the legions to
be withdrawn they would make raids upon the fields,
evading war by a semblance of peace, and peace in
turn by war. Hence it was impossible either to let
the whole matter go or to end it. Other wars, too,
were immediately threatening — like the one with
the Aequi and the Volsci, who would observe peace
only so long as the suffering involved in their latest
defeat was passing away, — or were soon to be begun,
by the always hostile Sabines and all Etruria. But
the enmity of the Veientes, persistent rather than
perilous, and issuing in insults oftener than in
danger, kept the Romans in suspense, for they were
never permitted to forget it or to turn their atten-
tion elsewhere. Then the Fabian clan went before
the senate, and the consul said, speaking for the
clan: "A standing body of defenders rather than a
large one is required, Conscript Fathers, as you know,
for the war with Veii. Do you attend to the other
wars, and assign to the Fabii the task of opposing
the Veientes. We undertake that the majesty of
the Roman name shall be safe in that quarter. It
is our purpose to wage this war as if it were our
own family feud, at our private costs : the state may
dispense with furnishing men and money for this
cause." The thanks of the Fathers were voted with
enthusiasm. The consul came out from the senate-
house, and escorted by a column of the Fabii, who
had halted in the vestibule of the curia while awaiting

383

LIVY

erant, domum redit Iussi armati postero die ad
limen consulis adesse ; domos inde discedunt.

XLIX. Manat tota urbe rumor; Fabios ad caelum
laudibus ferunt : familiam unam subisse civitatis
onus, Veiens bellum in privatam curam, in privata

2 arma versum. Si shit duae roboris eiusdeni in urbe
gentes, deposcant haec Volscos sibi, ilia Aequos,
populo Romano tranquillam pacem agente omnes
finitimos subigi populos posse. Fabii postera die

3 arma capiunt; quo iussi erant conveniunt. Consul
paludatus egrediens in vestibulo gentem omnem
suam instructo agmine videt ; acceptus in medium
signa ferri iubet. Numquam exercitus neque minor
numero neque clarior fama et admiratione hominum

4 per urbem incessit. Sex et trecenti milites, omnes
patricii, omnes unius gentis, quorum neminem ducem
sperneres,1 egregius quibuslibet temporibus senatus,
ibant, unius familiae viribus Veienti populo pestem

5 minitantes. Sequebatur turba, propria alia cogna-
torum sodaliumque, nihil medium, nec spem nec
curam, sed immensa omnia volventium animo, alia
publica sollicitudine excitata, favore et admiratione

G stupens. Ire fortes, ire felices iubent, inceptis even-

1 sperneres Madvig : sperneret &.

1 The crimson paluda??ientumt

3$4

BOOK II. xlviii. io-xlix. 6

the senate's decision, returned to his house. After b.c. 479
receiving the command to present themselves armed
next day at the consul's threshold, they dispersed to
their homes.

XLIX. The news spreads to every part of the City &c.
and the Fabii are lauded to the skies. Men tell how '
a single family has taken upon its shoulders the
burden of a state, how the war with Veii has been
turned over to private citizens and private arms. If
there were two other clans of equal strength in the
City, the one might undertake the Volsci, the other
the Aequi, and the Roman People might enjoy the
tranquillity of peace, while all the neighbouring
nations were being subdued. On the following day
the Fabii arm and assemble at the designated place.
The consul, coming forth in the cloak of a general,1
sees his entire cian drawn up in his vestibule, and
being received into their midst gives the order
to march. Never did an army march through the
City less in number or more distinguished by the
applause and the wonder of men: three hundred
and six soldiers, all patricians, all of one blood, no
one of whom you would have rejected as a leader,
and who would have made an admirable senate in
any period, were going out to threaten the existence
of the Veientine nation with the resources of a single
house. They were followed by a throng partly made
up of people belonging to them, their kinsmen and
close friends, whose thoughts were busy with no
mean matters, whether of hope or of fear, but with
boundless possibilities ; partly of those who were
moved with concern for the commonwealth, and
were beside themselves with enthusiasm and amaze-
ment. "Go," they cry, "in your valour, go with good

385

L1VY

r.c. tus pares reddere ; consulatus inde ac triumphos,
2'6 7 omnia praemia ab se, omnes honores sperare. Prae-
tereuntibus Capitolium arcemque et alia templa,
quidquid deorum oculis, quidquid animo occurrit,
precantur ut illud agmen faustum atque felix mit-
tantj sospites brevi in patriam ad parentes restituant.

8 In cassum missae preces. Infelici via, dextro iano
portae CarmentaliSj profecti ad Cremeram flumen
perveniunt. Is opportunus visus locus communiendo
praesidio.

9 L. Aemilhis inde et C. Servilius consules facti.
Et donee nihil aliud quam in populationibus res fuit,
non ad praesidium modo tutandum Fabii satis erant,
sed tota region e qua Tuscus ager Romano adiacet,
sua tuta omnia, infesta hostium vagantes per utrum-

10 que finem fecere. Intervallum deinde haud magnum
populationibus fuit, dum et Veientes accito ex Etru-
ria exercitu praesidium Cremerae oppugnant, et
Romanae legiones ab L. Aemilio consule adductae
cominus cum Etruscis dimicant acie. Quamquam

11 vix dirigendi aciem s])atium Veientibus fuit ; adeo
inter primam trepidationem, dum post signa ordines
introeunt subsidiaque locant, invecta subito ab latere
Romana equitum ala non pugnae modo incipiendae

12 sed consistendi ademit locum. Ita fusi retro ad
Saxa Rubra — ibi castra habebant — pacem supplices

1 A name afterwards given to the arch from the result of
this expedition.

336

BOOK II. xlix. 6-12

fortune, and crown your undertaking with success as b o.
great!" They bid them look forward to receiving 479~4,
consulships at their hands for this work, and triumphs,
and all rewards and all honours. As they pa?s by the
Capitol and the citadel and the other temples, they
beseech whatever gods present themselves to their
eyes and their thoughts to attend that noble band
with blessings and prosperity, and restore them soon
in safety to their native land and their kindred.
Their prayers were uttered in vain. Setting out by
the Unlucky Way,1 the right arch of the Porta Car-
mentalis, they came to the river Cremera, a position
which seemed favourable for the erection of a fort.

Lucius Aemilius and Gaius Servilius were then
chosen consuls. And so long as nothing more than
plundering was afoot the Fabii were not only an
adequate garrison for the fort, but in all that region
where the Tuscan territory marches with the Roman
they afforded universal security to their own country-
men and annoyance to the enemy, by ranging along
the border on both sides. Then came a brief inter-
ruption to these depredations, while the men of Veii,
having called in an army from Etruria, attacked the
post on the Cremera, and the Roman legions, led
thither by Lucius Aemilius the consul, engaged them
in a pitched battle ; though in truth the Veientes
had scarcely time to draw up a battle-line, for at the
first alarm, while the ranks were falling in behind
the standards and the reserves were being posted, a
division of Roman cavalry made a sudden charge on
their flank and deprived them of the power not only
of attacking first, but even of standing their ground.
And so they were driven back upon Saxa Rubra,
where they had their camp, and sued for peace. It

337

LIVY

petunt ; cuius impetratae ab insita animis levitate
ante deductum Cremera Romanum praesidium
paenituit.

L. Rursus cum Fabiis erat Veienti populo sine
ullo maioris belli apparatu certamen, nec erant in-
cursiones modo in agros aut subiti impetus in incur-
santes,1 sed aliquotiens aequo campo conlatisque

2 signis certatum, gensque una populi Romani saepe
ex opulentissima, ut turn res erant, Etrusca civitate

3 victoriam tulit. Id primo acerbum indignumque
Veientibus est visum ; inde consilium ex re natum
insidiis ferocem hostem captandi ; gaud ere etiam

4 multo successu Fabiis audaciam crescere. Itaque et
pecora praedantibus aliquotiens, velut casu incidis-
sent, obviam acta, et agrestium fuga vasti relicti
agri, et subsidia armatorum ad arcendas populationes
missa saepius simulato quam vero pavore refugerunt.

5 Iamque Fabii adeo contempserant hostem ut sua
invicta arma neque loco neque tempore ullo crede-
rent sustineri posse. Haec spes provexit ut ad con-
specta procul a Cremera magno campi intervallo
pecora, quamquam rara h ostium apparebant arma,

6 decurrerent. Et cum improvidi efFuso cursu insidias

circa ipsum iter locatas superassent, palatique passim

vaga, ut fit pavore iniecto, raperent pecora, subito ex

1 in incursantes Goebel : incursantes ium P : incursantes
lupi M : incursantium fl.

3S8

BOOK II. xux. 12-L. 6

was granted, but their instinctive fickleness caused bc.
them to weary of the pact before the Roman garrison 479-478
was withdrawn from the Cremera.

L. Again the Fabii were pitted against the people b.c. 477
of Veii. No preparations had been made for a great
war, yet not only were raids made upon farming
lands, and surprise attacks upon raiding parties, but
at times they fought in the open field and in serried
ranks ; and a single clan of the Roman People often
carried off the victory from that most mighty state,
for those days, in all Etruria. At first the Veientes
bitterly resented this ; but they presently adopted a
plan, suggested by the situation, for trapping their
bold enemy, and they even rejoiced as they saw that
the frequent successes of the Fabii were causing
them to grow more rash. And so they now and then
drove flocks in the way of the invaders, as if they
had come there by accident ; and the country folk
would flee from their farms and leave them deserted;
and rescuing parties of armed men, sent to keep oft
pillagers, would flee before them in a panic more
often feigned than real. By this time the Fabii had
conceived such scorn for the enemy that they be-
lieved themselves invincible and not to be withstood,
no matter what the place or time. This confidence
so won upon them that on catching sight of some
flocks at a distance from the Cremera, across a wide
interval of plain, they disregarded the appearance
here and there of hostile arms, and ran down to
capture them. Their rashness carried them on at
a swift pace past an ambuscade which had been laid
on both sides of their very road. They had scattered
this way and that and were seizing the flocks, which
had dispersed in all directions, as they do if terrified,

389

LIVY

insidiis consurgitur, et adversi et undique hostes
7 erant. Primo clamor circumlatus exterruit, dein tela
ab omni parte accidebant ; 1 coeuntibusque Etruscis
iam continenti agmine armatorum saepti, quo magis
se hostis inferebat, cogebantur breviore spatio et
S ipsi orbem colligerej quae res et paueitatem2 eorum
insignem et multitudinem Etruscorum multiplicatis
9 in arto ordinibus faciebat. Turn omissa pugna quam
in omnes partes parem intenderant, in unum locum
se omnes inclinant. Eo nisi corporibus armisque

10 rupere cuneo viam. Duxit via in editum leniter3
collem. Inde primo restitere ; mox, ut respirandi
superior locus spatium dedit recipiendique a pavore
tanto aniraum, pepulere etiam subeuntes ; vincebat-
que auxilio loci paucitas, ni iugo circummissus Veiens
in verticem collis evasisset. Ita superior rursus hostis

11 factus. Fabii caesi ad unum omnes praesidiumque
expugnatum. Trecentos sex perisse satis convenit,
unum prope puberem aetate relictum, stirpem genti
Fabiae dubiisque rebus populi Romani saepe domi
bellique vel maximum futurum auxilium.

LI. Cum baec accepta clades est/ iam C, Horatius

et T. Menenius consules erant. Menenius adversus

1 accidebant Gtbhard : accedebant P..
,J et paueitatem F?J/~: paueitatem H.
5 leniter r- : leuiter n.

4 est Creuier : esset a (but clade se etiam DV).

1 This was that Fabius, according to the legend, who was
to become consul ten years later ! See in. x.

390

BOOK II. l. 6-li. i

when suddenly the ambush rose up, and enemies were b.c. 477
in front and on every side of them. First the shout
which echoed all along the Etruscan line filled them
with consternation, and then the javelins began to
fall upon them from every quarter; and as the Etrus-
cans drew together and the Romans were now fenced
in by a continuous line of armed men, the harder
the enemy pressed them the smaller was the space
within which they themselves were forced to contract
their circle, a thing which clearly revealed both their
own fewness and the vast numbers of the Etruscans,
whose ranks were multiplied in the narrow space.
The Romans then gave up the fight which they had
been directing equally at every point, and all turned
in one direction. Thither, by dint of main strength
and arms, they forced their way with a wedge. Their
road led up a gentle acclivity. There they at first
made a stand ; presently, when their superior position
had afforded them time to breathe and to collect
their spirits after so great a fright, they actually
routed the troops which were advancing to dislodge
them; and a handful of men, with the aid of a good
position, were winning the victory, when the Veientes
who had been sent round by the ridge emerged
upon the crest of the hill, thus giving the enemy the
advantage again. The Fabii were all slain to a man,
and their fort was stormed. Three hundred and six
men perished, as is generally agreed ; one, who was
little more than a boy in years,1 survived to maintain
the Fabian stock, and so to afford the very greatest
help to the Roman People in its dark hours, on many
occasions, at home and in the field.

LI. When this disaster befel, Gaius Horatius E,c
and Titus Menenius had begun their consulship. 4?7-47<

391

LIVY

2 Tuscos victoria elatos confestim missus. Turn quo-
que male pugnatum est, et Ianiculum hostes occupa-
vere ; obsessaque urbs foret super bellum annona
premente — transierant enim Etrusci Tiberim, — ni
Horatius consul ex Volscis esset revocatus. Adeo-
que id bellum ipsis institit moenibus ut primo pug-
natum ad Spei sit aequo Marte, iterum ad portam

3 Collinam. Ibi quamquam parvo momento superior
Romana res fuit, meliorem tamen militem recepto
pristino animo in futura proelia id certamen fecit.

4 A. Verginius et Sp. Servilius consules fiunt. Post
acceptam proxima pugna 1 cladem Veientes absti-
nuere acie ; populationes erant,, et velut ab arce
Ianiculo2 passim in Romanum agrum impetus da-
bant; non usquam pecora tuta, non agrestes erant.

5 Capti deinde eadem arte sunt qua ceperant Fabios.
Seeuti dedita opera passim ad inleeebras propulsa
pecora praecipitavere in insidias. Quo plures erant,

6 maior caedes fuit. Ex hac clade atrox ira maioris
cladis causa atque initium fuit. Traiecto enim nocte
Tiberi castra Servili consulis adorti sunt oppugnare.
Inde fusi magna caede in Ianiculum se aegre rece-

7 pere. Confestim consul et ipse transit Tiberim,

1 proxima pugna Gronov. D1\ proxime pugna D or D1 :
proxime pugnae D2 : proximam pugnae fl.

2 Ianiculo Madvig : Ianiculi H.

392

BOOK II. li. 1-7

Menenius was at once sent out to confront the Etrus-
cans, elated by their victory. Again the Roman arms
were unsuccessful, and Janiculum was taken by the
enemy. They would also have laid siege to Rome,
which was suffering not only from war but from a
scarcity of corn — for the Etruscans had crossed the
Tiber — had not the consul Horatius been recalled
from the Volscian country ; and so nearly did that
invasion approach the very walls of the City that
battles were fought first at the temple of Hope,
where the result was indecisive, and again at the
Colline Gate. There, although the advantage to the
Roman side was but slight, still the engagement
restored their old-time spirit to the troops and made
them the better soldiers for the battles that were
to come.

Aulus Verginius and Spurius Servilius were made
consuls. After the defeat the Veientes had suffered
in the last fight, they avoided a battle and took to
pillaging. From Janiculum, as from a citadel, they
sent out expeditions far and wide into the territory
of the Romans ; there was no security anywhere for
flocks or country-folk. After a time they were caught
by the same trick with which they had caught the
Fabii. Having pursued the flocks which had been
driven out here and there on purpose to lure them
on, they' plunged into an ambush, and as their num-
bers exceeded those of the Fabii so did their losses.
This disaster threw them into a violent rage, which
proved the cause and the beginning of a greater
reverse. For they crossed the Tiber in the night
and assaulted the camp of the consul Servilius.
There they were routed with heavy losses and re-
gained Janiculum with difficulty. Forthwith the

393

LIVY

a.u.c. castra sub Ianiculo communit. Postero die luce orta
177 278 nonnihil et hesterna felicitate pugnae ferox, magis
tamen quod inopia frumenti quamvis in praecipitia,
dum celeriora essent, agebat1 consilia, temere adverso

8 Ianiculo ad castra hostium aciem erexit, foediusque
inde pulsus quam pridie pepulerat, interventu colle-

9 gae ipse exercitusque est servatus. Inter duas acies
Etrusci, cum in vicem his atque illis terga darent,
occidione occisi. Ita oppressum temeritate felici
Veiens bellum.

a.u.c. LI I. Urbi cum pace laxior etiam annona rediit.

^7S- 279

et advecto ex Campania frumento et, postquam timor
sibi cuique futurae inopiae abiit, eo quod abditum

2 fuerat prolato. Ex copia deinde otioque lascivire
rursus animi, et pristina mala/ postquam foris de-

3 erant, domi quaerere. Tribuni plebem agitare suo
veneno, agraria lege ; in resistentes incitare patres
nec in universos modo, sed in singulos. Q. Consi-
dius et T. Genucius, auctores agrariae legis, T. Men-
enio diem dicunt. Invidiae erat amissum Cremerae
praesidium, cum baud procul inde stativa consul

4 habuisset ; ea oppressit,2 cum et patres haud minus

* agebat R2D2Uf : agebant G.

2 ea oppressit Gronov. Ml : earn oppressit (or -erunt) n.

1 What was the charge? Perhaps that he had failed to
support the Fabii ; perhaps that he had lost Janiculum by
his incompetence.

394

BOOK II. li. 7-ni. 4

consul himself crossed the Tiber and fortified a camp bc.
beneath the hill. Next day at dawn, partly because 4'7"47
he was emboldened by the successful battle of the
day before, but more because the want of corn drove
him to the rashest kind of measures, provided only
they were speedy, he was so reckless as to lead his
army up Janiculum to the enemy's camp, and after
suffering a more disgraceful repulse than he had ad-
ministered the day before, owed his own rescue and
that of his army to the arrival of his colleague.
Caught between two lines, the Etruscans turned their
backs first on one and then on the other, and were
cut down with great slaughter. Thus the Veientine
invasion was defeated by a lucky temerity.

LI I. There came to the City with the return of B.a
peace a relaxation in the corn-market ; for not only ~ '
was grain imported from Campania, but now that
each had ceased to fear for his own future want,
men brought out the stores which they had con-
cealed. As a consequence of plenty and idleness a
spirit of licence again began to affect men's minds,
and they began to seek at home for the old troubles
which were no longer to be met with abroad. The
tribunes roused the plebs to madness with their
usual poison, a land-law. The Fathers resisted, but
the tribunes incited the people against them, not as
a body merely, but as individuals. Quintus Considius
and Titus Genucius, the proposers of the agrarian
measure, cited Titus Menenius to appear for trial.1
He had incurred the dislike of the plebs owing to
the loss of the outpost on the Cremera, when he as
consul had occupied a permanent camp not far away ;
and this unpopularity was his undoing, though the
senators exerted themselves in his behalf no less

395

LIVY

quam pro Coriolano adnisi essent, et patris Agrippae

5 favor hauddum exolevisset. In multa temperarunt
tribuni ; cum capitis anquisissent, duorum milium1
aeris damnato multam dixerunt.2 Ea in caput vertit.
Negant tulisse ignominiam aegritudinemque ; inde
morbo absumptum esse.

6 Alius deinde reus Sp. Servilius, ut consulatu abiit,
C. Nautio et P. Valerio consulibus,, initio statim anni
ab L. Caedicio et T. Statio tribunis die dicta non, ut
Menenius, precibus suis aut patrum, sed cum multa
fiducia innocentiae gratiaeque tribunicios impetus

7 tulit. Et huic proelium cum Tuscis ad Ianiculum
erat crimini. Sed fervidi animi vir, ut in publico
periculo ante, sic turn in suo, non tribunos modo sed
plebem oratione feroci refutando, exprobrandoque
T. Meneni damnationem mortemque, cuius patris
munere restituta quondam plebs eos ipsos quibus
turn saeviret magistratus, eas leges haberet, peri-

8 culum audacia discussit. Iuvit et Verginius collega
testis productus, participando laudes ; magis tamen
Menenianum — adeo mutaverant animi — profuit iudi-
cium.

LIII. Certamina domi finita : Veiens bellum exor-
tum, quibus Sabini arma coniunxerant. P. Valerius

1 duorum milium Reid : duo milia XI : duo 0.

2 multam dixerunt j- : multam (multa 11) edixerunt (edux-
erunt H) fl.

396

BOOK II. lii. 4-Lin. i

than they had done for Coriolanus, and though the B.c.
favour enjoyed by his father Agrippa had not yet 476-475
passed away. In respect to the penalty the tribunes
showed restraint; though they had charged him with
a capital offence, they fixed the fine of the con-
demned at two thousand asses. But it cost him his
life ; they say that he could not endure the shame
and grief, and from this cause fell ill and died.

Another man was then put upon his trial, namely
Spurius Servilius. He had laid down the consulship
and been succeeded by Gaius Nautius and Publius
Valerius, when he was cited, in the very beginning
of the year, by the tribunes Lucius Caedicius and
Titus Statius. Unlike Menenius, he did not meet the
attacks of the tribunes with entreaties, preferred by
himself or the senators, but with high confidence in
his innocence and popularity. He, too, was accused
in connection with the battle against the Etruscans
at Janiculum. But the fiery courage of the man had
not been more in evidence in the nation's hour of
peril than it was then in his own, and he confuted not
only the tribunes but the plebs, upbraiding them, in
a daring speech, with the condemnation and death
of Menenius, to whose father, he declared, the plebs
formerly owed their restoration and the possession
of those very magistrates and *la\vs which were the
tools of their cruelty. This boldness swept away the
danger. He wras helped, too, by Verginius, his col-
league, who, being called as a witness, shared his own
credit with Servilius. But the trial of Menenius
stood him in even better stead, so great a revulsion
of feeling had set in.

LIU. Domestic strife was at an end; but war broke
out with the Veientes, with whom the Sabines had
united their arms. Publius Valerius the consul was

397

LIVY

consul accitis Latinorum Hernicorumque auxiliis cum
exercitu Veios missus castra Sabina, quae pro moeni-
bus sociorum locata erant, confestim adgreditur tan-
tamque trepidationem iniecit ut, dum dispersi alii
alia manipulatim excurrunt ad arcendam hostium
vim, ea porta cui signa primum intulerat caperetur.

2 Intra vallum deinde caedes magis quam proelium
esse. Tumultus e castris et in urbem penetrat ; tam-
quam Veiis captis, ita pavidi Veientes ad arma cur-
runt. Pars Sabinis eunt subsidio, pars Romanos toto

3 impetu intentos in castra adoriuntur. Paulisper
aversi turbatique sunt; deinde et ipsi utroque versis
signis resistunt, et eques ab consule immissus Tuscos
fundit fugatque ; eademque hora duo exercitus, duae
potentissimae et maximae finitimae gentes superatae
sunt.

4 Dum haec ad Veios geruntur, Volsci Aequique in
Latino agro posuerant castra populatique fines erant.
Eos per se ipsi Latini adsumptis Hernicis sine Ro-

5 mano aut duce aut auxilio castris exuerunt ; ingenti
praeda praeter suas reciperatas res potiti sunt. Mis-
sus tamen ab Roma consul in Volscos C. Nautius ;
mos, credo, non placebat sine Romano duce exer-
cituque socios propriis viribus consiliisque bella

393

BOOK II. liii. 1-5

dispatched to Veii with an army to which had been b c.
added auxiliaries from the Latins and the Hernici. 476~4'
He at once advanced upon the Sabine camp,, which
had been established in front of the walls of their
allies, and threw the enemy into such confusion that,
while they were running out in small groups, some
one way and some another, to repel the attack of the
Romans, he captured the gate against which he had
directed his first assault. What followed within the
stockade was a massacre rather than a battle. The
sounds of confusion in the camp penetrated even to
the city, and the frightened inhabitants ran hastily
to their weapons, as though Veii had been surprised.
Some went to the rescue of the Sabines, others as-
sailed the Romans, who were wholly preoccupied with
the camp. For a moment the Romans were discon-
certed and thrown into disorder ; then they, too, faced
both ways and made a stand, and the horse which the
consul sent into the fight dispersed and routed the
Etruscans. In one and the same hour two armies,
two of the greatest and most powerful neighbouring
nations, were defeated.

While these victories were being won at Veii, the
Volsci and the Aequi had encamped on Latin soil,
and had laid waste the country. These the Latins,
acting independently, with the assistance of the
Hernici, but without either general or aid from Rome,
despoiled of their camp. Immense booty, in addition
to property of their own which they recovered, fell
into their hands. Nevertheless a consul, Gaius Nautius,
was sent from Rome against the Volsci. The prece-
dent, I suppose, of allies waging wars, without a
Roman commander and army, by means of their own
forces and their own strategy, was not welcome.

399

LIVY

a.u.c. 6 gerere. Nullum genus calamitatis contumeliaeque
2/8-279 non editum in Volscos est, nec tamen perpelli1

potuere ut acie dimicarent.
a.u.c. LIV. L. Furius inde et C. Manlius 2 consules.

'80—281

Manlio Veientes provincia evenit. Non tamen bella-
tum ; indutiae in annos quadraginta petentibus datae

2 frumento stipendioque imperato. Paci 3 extemae
confestim continuatur discordia domi. Agrariae legis
tribuniciis stimulis plebs furebat. Consules, nihil
Meneni damnatione, nihil periculo deterriti Servili,
summa vi resistunt. Abeuntes magistratu Cn. Genu-
cius tribunus plebis arripuit.

3 L. Aemilius et Opiter Verginius consulatum in-
eunt ; Vopiscum Iulium pro Verginio in quibusdam
annalibus consulem invenio. Hoc anno — quoscum-
que consules habuit — rei ad populum Furius et Man-
lius4 circumeunt sordidati non plebem magis quam

4 iuniores patrum. Suadent, monent, honoribus et
administratione rei publicae abstineant; consulares
vero fasces, praetextam curulemque sellam nihil aliud
quam pompam funeris putent ; claris insignibus velut

5 infulis velatos ad mortem destinari. Quod si consu-
lates tanta dulcedo sit, iam nunc ita in animum indu-
cant consulatum captum et oppressum ab tribunicia
potestate esse ; consuli, velut apparitori tribunicio,

1 perpelli IFg- : perpeti n.

2 Manlius 0 {below Manlio OM) : Manilius (below Manilio)
fl, and Uassiod. C.I.L. i2, p. 103. 8 paci §- : pacis tl : facis M.

J Manlius MOH1WL : Manilius PFUB.

400

BOOK II. uii. 5-liv. 5

There was no species of disaster or indignity which b.c.
was not visited upon the Volsci, yet they could not 4'6"4'
be forced into giving battle.

LIV. Lucius Furius and Gaius Manlius were the B-<\
next consuls. To Manlius fell the command against '
the Veientes. But there was no war ; a truce for forty
years was granted, at their solicitation, and corn and
a money-indemnity were exacted of them. The
foreign peace was immediately succeeded by quarrels
at home. The land-law with which the tribunes
goaded the plebs excited them to the pitch of mad-
ness. The consuls, not a jot intimidated by the con-
demnation of Menenius, not a jot by the danger ot
Servilius, resisted the measure with the utmost
violence. As their term expired, Gnaeus Genucius, a
plebeian tribune, haled them to trial.

Lucius Aemilius and Opiter Verginius entered
upon the consulship. Vopiscus Julius I find given as
consul in certain annals, instead of Verginius. This
year — whoever its consuls were — Furius and Manlius
went about among the people as men accused, in
garments of mourning, seeking out the younger patri-
cians, as well as the plebeians. They advised them,
they warned them to forbear from office-holding and
the administration of the public business ; as for the
consular fasces, the purple-bordered toga, and the
curule chair, — these they should regard in no other
light than as the pageantry of burial ; for splendid
insignia, like the fillets placed on victims, doomed
the wearer to death. But if the consulhhip was so
alluring to them, let them recognize at once that
it had been fettered and enslaved by the might
of the tribunes ; that the consul, as though* an at-
tendant upon those officials, must be subject in all

401

LIVY

omnia ad mi turn imperiumque tribuni agenda esse ;

6 si se commoverit, si respexerit patres, si aliud quam
plebem esse in re publica crediderit, exsilium Cn.
Marci, Meneni damnationem et mortem sibi propo-

7 nat1 ante oculos. His accensi vocibus patres con-
silia 2 inde non publica, sed in privato seductaque a
plurium conscientia habuere. Ubi cum id modo
constaret, iure an iniuria eripiendos esse reos, atro-
cissima quaeque maxime placebat sententia, nec

8 auctor quamvis audaci facinori deerat. Igitur iudicii
die, cum plebs in foro erecta exspectatione staret,
mirari primo quod non descenderet tribunus ; dein,
cum iam mora suspectior fieret, deterritum a primo-
ribus credere et desertam ac proditam causam publi-

9 cam queri ; tandem qui obversati vestibulo tribuni
fuerant nuntiant domi mortuum esse inventum.
Quod ubi in totam contionem pertulit rumor, sicut
acies funditur duce occiso., ita dilapsi passim alii alio.
Praecipuus pavor tribunos invaserat, quam nihil
auxilii sacratae leges haberent morte collegae moni-

10 tos. Nec patres satis moderate ferre laetitiam ; adeo-
que neminem noxiae paenitebat ut etiam insontes
fecisse videri vellent, palamque ferretur malo do-
mandam tribuniciam potestatem.

1 proponat U ? g- : proponant fl.

2 consilia £L : concilia Gronov.

1 i.e. from his home : the Forum was lower than the resi-
dential parts of Rome.

402

BOOK II. liv. 5-10

he did to their beck and call ; if he should bestir him- B.c.
self, if he should show consideration for the patricians, 474~4'
if he should believe that the state comprised any other
element than the plebs — let him call to mind the
exile of Gnaeus Marcius, the condemnation of Menen-
ius and his death. Fired by these speeches, the
senators began to hold councils, no longer publicly,
but in private, where the people could not learn
their plans. In these deliberations there was but one
guiding principle, that by fair means or foul the de-
fendants must be got off. The more truculent a sug-
gestion was, the greater was the favour it evoked, and
an agent was not wanting for the most daring crime.
Well then, on the day of the trial the plebeians were
in the Forum, on tiptoe with expectation. At first
they were filled with amazement because the tribune
did not come down;1 then, when at length his delay
began to look suspicious, they supposed he had been
frightened away by the nobles, and fell to complaining
of his desertion and betrayal of the people's cause ;
finally, those who had presented themselves at the
tribune's vestibule brought back word that he had
been found dead in his house. When this report had
spread through all the gathering, the crowd, like an
army which takes to flight at the fall of its general,
melted away on every side. The tribunes were
particularly dismayed, for the death of their colleague
warned them how utterly ineffectual to protect them
were the laws that proclaimed their sanctity. Nor
did the senators place a proper restraint upon their
satisfaction ; so far, indeed, was anyone from repenting
of the guilty deed that even the innocent desired to
be thought its authors, and men openly asserted that
chastisement must be employed to curb the power of
the tribunes.

LIVY

LV. Sub hanc pessimi exempli victoriam1 dilectus
edicitur, paventibusque tribunis sine intercessione

2 ulla consules rem peragunt. Turn vero irasci plebs
tribunorum magis silentio quam consulum imperio,
et dicere actum esse de libertate sua, rursus ad anti-
qua reditum ; cum Genucio una mortuam ac sepultam
tribuniciam potestatem. Aliud agendum ac cogi-

3 tandum, quomodo resistatur patribus ; id autem
unum consilium esse ut se ipsa plebs, quando aliud
nihil auxilii habeat, defendat. Quattuor et viginti
lictores apparere consul ibus et eos ipsos plebis homi-
nes ; nihil contemptius neque infirmius, si sint qui
contemnant ; sibi quemque ea magna atque horrenda

4 facere. His vocibus alii alios cum incitassent, ad
Voieronem Publilium, de plebe hominem, quia, quod
ordines duxisset, negaret se militem fieri debere^

5 lictor missus est a consulibus. Volero appellat tri-
bunos. Cum auxilio nemo esset, consules spoliari
hominem et virgas expediri iubent. " Provoco," in-
quit "ad populum" Volero, "quoniam tribuni civem
Romanum in conspectu suo virgis caedi malunt quam
ipsi in lecto suo a vobis trucidari." Quo ferocius
clamitabat, eo infestius circumscindere et spoliare

6 lictor. Turn Volero et praevalens ipse et adiuvanti-
bus advocatis repulso lictore, ubi indignantium pro

1 hanc . . . victoriam Gronov.: hac . . . uictoria n.

1 Livy mentions another instance of a conscript's objecting
to serve in a rank lower than that he had previously held, in
xlii. xxxiii. 3 ; but it does not appear that the men had any
prescriptive right in the matter.

404

BOOK II. lv. 1-6

LV. Immediately following this pernicious victory b.c. 47s
a levy was proclaimed, which the timorousness of
the tribunes allowed the consuls to push through
without ever a veto. But this time the commons
were fairly roused to anger, more by the silence of
the tribunes than by the consuls' power. They de-
clared that it was all up with their liberty ; that
men had gone back to their old ways ; that with
Genucius the tribunician power had suffered death and
burial. They must adopt another course and other
plans to resist the patricians ; but the only way was
this : that the plebs should undertake their own de-
fence, since they had no one else to help them.
Twenty-four lictors were all the retinue of the con-
suls, and even these were plebeians. Nothing was
more contemptible or wreaker, if there were any to
contemn ; it was every man's own imagination that
made them great and awe-inspiring. They had incited
one another with arguments of this sort when the
consuls sent a lictor to arrest Volero Publilius, a
plebeian, who, on the ground that he had been a
centurion, denied their right to make him a common
soldier.1 Volero called upon the tribunes. When no
one came to aid him, the consuls gave orders to strip
the man and get out the rods. " I appeal," cried
Volero, "to the people, since the tribunes would
rather a Roman citizen should be scourged with rods
before their eyes than themselves be murdered in their
beds by you." But the more boldly he shouted the
more roughly the lictor fell to tearing off his clothes
and stripping him. Then Volero, who was himself
a powerful man and was helped by those he had
called to his assistance, beat off the lictor and, choos-
ing the place where the uproar of his sympathisers

405

LIVY

a.u.c. se acerrimus erat clamor, eo se in turbam confertis-
simam recipit clamitans : (( Provoco et fid em plebis

7 imploro. Adeste cives, adeste commilitones ; nihil
est quod exspectetis tribunos, quibus ipsis vestro

8 auxilio opus est." Concitati homines veluti ad proe-
lium se expediunt ; apparebatque omne discrimen
adesse, nihil cuiquam sanctum non publici fore, non

9 privati iuris. Huic tantae tempestati cum se con-
sules obtulissent, facile experti sunt parum tutam
maiestatem sine viribus esse. Violatis lictoribus,
fascibus fractis e foro in curiam compelluntur, incerti

10 quatenus Volero exerceret victoriam. Conticescente
deinde tumultu cum in senatum vocari iussissent,
queruntur iniurias suas, vim plebis, Voleronis auda-

11 ciam. Multis ferociter dictis sententiis vicere seni-
ores, quibus ira patrum adversus temeritatem plebis
certari non placuit.

*;7r,2c8'3 LVI. Voleronem amplexa favore plebs proximis

comitiis tribunum plebi creat in eum annum qui

2 L. Pinarium P. Furium consules habuit. Contraque
omnium opinionem, qui eum vexandis prioris anni
consulibus permissurum tribunatum credebant, post
publicam causam privato dolore habito, ne verbo
quidem violatis consulibus, rogationem tulit ad popu-
lum ut plebeii magistratus tributis comitiis fierent.

3 Haud parva res sub titulo prima specie minime

1 It is not clear how Livy supposed that these officials had
formerly been elected. Perhaps Volero merely aimed at
securing by legal sanction what the state had always recog-
nized in practice, viz. that plebeian magistrates should be
chosen by none but plebeians. But this was not Livy's
view, as is clear from lviii. 1.

406

BOOK II. lv. 6-lvi. 3

was the angriest, plunged into the thick of the crowd, b.c. 473
calling out, " I appeal, and implore the protection of
the plebs ; help, citizens ! help, fellow-soldiers ! It is
useless for you to wait for the tribunes, who them-
selves stand in need of aid from you." In their
excitement men made ready as if to fight a battle,
and it was evident that anything might happen, that
nobody would respect any right, whether public or
private. The consuls, exposed to this furious tempest,
were quickly convinced of the insecurity of majesty
when unaccompanied with force. The lictors were
roughlv handled and their rods were broken, while
the consuls themselves were driven out of the Forum
into the Curia, with no means of knowing how far
Volero might use his victory. Afterwards, when the
uproar began to die away, they summoned the Fathers
into the senate-house and complained of the insults
they had suffered, the violence of the plebs, and
Volero's outrageous conduct. Though many daring
opinions were expressed, the wishes of the older men
prevailed, who had no mind to a conflict between an
angry senate and a reckless plebs.

LVI. Volero, having been taken into favour by b.c.
the plebs, was at the next election made plebeian 4 2~471
tribune for that year which had Lucius Pinarius
and Publius Furius for consuls. And contrary to the
expectation of all, who believed that he would em-
ploy his tribuneship in persecuting the consuls of
the preceding year, he set the general welfare above
his private grievance, and without attacking the
consuls by so much as a word, brought a bill before
the people providing that plebeian magistrates should
be chosen in the tribal assembly.1 It was no trivial
matter which he proposed under this form, which at

407

LIVY

atroci ferebatur, sed quae patriciis oranem potesta-
tem per clientium suffragia creandi quos vellent tri-

4 bunos auferret. Huic actioni gratissimae plebi cum
summa vi resisterent patres nec, quae una vis ad
resistendum erat, ut intercederet aliquis ex collegio,
auctoritate aut consulum aut principum adduci pos-
set, res tamen suo ipsa molimine gravis certaminibus

5 in annum extrahitur. Plebs Voleronem tribunum
reficit : patres, ad ultimum dimicationis rati rem
venturam, Ap. Claudium Appi filium, iam inde a
paternis certaminibus invisum infestumque plebi,
consulem faciunt. Collega ei T. Quinctius datur.

6 Principio statim anni nihil prius quam de lege
agebatur. Sed ut inventor legis Volero, sic Lae-
torius collega eius auctor cum recentior turn acrior

7 erat. Ferocem faciebat belli gloria ingens, quod
aetatis eius haud quisquam manu promptior erat.
Is, cum Volero nihil praeterquam de lege loqueretur,
insectatione abstinens consulum, ipse accusationem 1
Appi familiaeque superbissimae ac crudelissimae in

8 plebem Romanam exorsus, cum a patribus non con-
sulem, sed carnificem ad vexandam et lacerandam
plebem creatum esse contendere!, rudis in militari
homine lingua non suppetebat libertati animoque.

9 Itaque deficiente oratione, " Quando quidem non

3 accusationem Crevicr : in accusationem H.

408

BOOK II. lvi. 3-9

first sight appeared so harmless, but one that com-
pletely deprived the patricians of the power of using
their clients' votes to select what tribunes they liked.
This measure was extremely welcome to the plebs ;
the Fathers opposed it with all their might, yet the
only effectual resistance — to wit, a veto by some
member of the tribunician college — neither consuls
nor nobles were sufficiently influential to command.
Nevertheless the legislation, which its very import-
ance rendered difficult, was drawn out by party
strife to the end of the year. The plebs re-elected
Volero tribune : the senators, thinking the quarrel
was sure to proceed to extremities, made Appius
Claudius, son of Appius, consul, a man whose un-
popularity with the plebs and hostility towards them
went back to the struggles between their fathers.
For colleague they gave him Titus Quinctius.

The new year was no sooner begun than discussion
of the law took precedence of everything else, and
it was urged not only by its author, Volero, but by
his colleague Laetorius as well, whose advocacy of it
was at once fresher and more acrimonious. He was
emboldened by the great reputation he enjoyed as a
soldier, since no one of that generation surpassed
him in physical prowess. While Volero spoke of
nothing but the law, and forbore to inveigh against
the consuls' persons, Laetorius launched out into an
arraignment of Appius and his family, as most cruel
and arrogant towards the Roman plebs. But when
he strove to show that the patricians had elected, not
a consul, but an executioner, to harass and torture
the plebeians, the inexperienced tongue of the soldier
was inadequate to express his audacity and spirit.
Accordingly when words began to fail him he cried,

409

LIVY

tam 1 facile loquor/' inquit, " Quirites, quam quod
locutus sum praesto, crastino die adeste. Ego hie
aut in conspectu vestro moriar aut perferam legem."

10 Occupant tribuni templum postero die ; consules
nobilitasque ad impediendam legem in contione con-
sistent. Summoveri Laetorius iubet, praeterquam

11 qui suflfragium ineant. Adulescentes nobiles stabant
nihil cedentes viatori. Turn ex his prendi quosdam
Laetorius iubet. Consul Appius negare ius esse
tribuno in quemquam nisi in plebeium ; non enim

12 populi sed plebis eum magistratum esse ; nec ilium
ipsum 2 summovere pro imperio posse more maiorum,
quia ita dicatur : " Si vobis videtur, discedite, Qui-
rites." Facile 3 contemptim de iure disserendo per-

13 turbare Laetorium poterat. Ardens igitur ira tribu-
nus viatorem mittit ad consulem, consul lictorem ad
tribunum, privatum esse clamitans, sine imperio, sine

14 magistratu ; violatusque esset tribunus, ni et contio
omnis atrox coorta pro tribuno in consulem esset, et
concursus hominum in forum ex tota urbe concitatae
multitudinis fieret. Sustinebat tamen Appius perti-

15 nacia tantam tempestatem ; certatumque baud in-
cruento proelio foret, ni Quinctius, consul alter, con-
sularibus negotio dato ut collegam vi, si aliter non

1 tam inserted by 5- Madvig.

2 ilium ipsum CL : illam ipsam (i.e. plebeni) Convxxy.

3 facile Dralcenborch : facile et O..

1 The word templum might be applied to any space duly
marked oft' by augural ceremonies. Here it means the
speakers' platform in the comitium.

410

BOOK II. lvt. 9-15

te Since speech is not so easy for me, Quirites, as it is * c.
to make good what I have spoken, be at hand to- 472~4'
morrow. 1 will either die here in your sight or carry
through the law." The tribunes were the first on the
scene next day, and possessed themselves of the
rostra ; 1 the consuls and nobles took their stand in
the assembly, with the purpose of obstructing the
passage of the law. Laetorius ordered the removal ot
all but those who were voting. The youthful nobles
stayed where they were and would not give way at
the officer's behest. Then certain of them were
ordered by Laetorius to be seized. The consul
Appius declared that the tribune had 110 authority
over anybody but a plebeian, seeing that he was not
a magistrate of the people, but of the plebs; and even
if he were, he could not, consistently with the cus-
tom of the Fathers, command the removal of anyone,
by virtue of his authority, since the formula ran thus :
" If it seems good to you, depart, Quirites." It was an
easy matter to throw Laetorius into a passion by these
contemptuous remarks about his rights. It was there-
fore in a blaze of anger that the tribune dispatched
his attendant to the consul ; while the consul sent
his lictor to the tribune, crying out that Laetorius
was a private citizen, without power, and no magis-
trate ; and the tribune would have been mishandled,
had not the whole assembly rallied fiercely to his
support against the consul, while men rushed into
the Forum from all over the City, in an excited
throng. Still, Appius was obstinately holding out,
despite the fury of the tempest, and a sanguinary
battle would have ensued, if Quinctius, the other
consul, had not entrusted the senators of consular
rank with the task of getting his colleague out

411

LIVY

a.u.c. possent. de foro abducerent, ipse nunc plebem saevu

282-288

entem precibus lenisset, nunc orasset tribunos ut
16 concilium dimitterent : darent irae spatium ; non
vim suam illis tempus adempturum, sed consilium
viribus additurum, et patres in populi et consulem
in patrum fore potestate.
A2ssc' LVII. Aegre sedata ab Quinctio plebs, multo

2 aegrius consul alter a patribus. Dimisso tandem
concilio plebis senatum consules liabent. Ubi cum
timor atque ira in vicem sententias variassent, quo
magis spatio interposito ab impetu ad consul-
tandum avocabantur,1 eo plus abhorrebant a certa-
tione animi, adeo ut Quinctio gratias agerent, quod

3 eius opera mitigata discordia esset. Ab Appio
petitur ut tantam consularem maiestatem esse vellet
quanta esse in concordi civitate posset : dum tribuni
consulesque ad se quisque omnia trahant, nihil relic-
turn esse virium in medio ; distractam laceratamque
rem publicam ; magis quorum in manu sit quam ut

4 incolumis sit quaeri. Appius contra testari deos
atque homines rem publicam prodi per metum ac
deseri, non consulem senatui sed senatum consuli
deesse ; graviores accipi leges quam in Sacro monte
acceptae sint. Victus tamen patrum consensu quie-

1 avocabantur j- : adaocabantur (-batur M) Xi.

412

BOOK II. lvi. 15-Lvn. 4

of the Forum, by force, if they could not achieve B.c.
it otherwise ; while he himself now appealed to the 472_47J
raging populace with soothing entreaties, and now
besought the tribunes to dismiss the council. Let
them give their anger time : time would not rob
them of their power, but would add wisdom to their
strength ; the Fathers would be subject to the
people, and the consul to the Fathers.

LVI I. It was hard for Quinctius to still the b.c. 471
plebs ; much harder for the senators to quiet the
other consul. At length the council of the plebs
was adjourned, and the consuls convened the
senate. At this meeting alternating hope and fear
gave rise to conflicting opinions. But in propor-
tion as their passions cooled with the lapse of
time and gave way to deliberation, their minds more
and more revolted from the struggle ; insomuch
that they passed a vote of thanks to Quinctius, be-
cause it was due to him that the quarrel had been
abated. They desired Appius to be content that the
majesty of the consul should be no greater than was
compatible with harmony in the state, pointing out
that while tribunes and consuls were each striving
to carry things his own way there was no strength
left in the nation at large, and the commonwealth
was torn and mangled, the question being rather in
whose power it was than how it might be safe. Appius,
on the other hand, called gods and men to witness that
the state was being betrayed through cowardice, and
abandoned ; that it was not the consul who was fail-
ing the senate, but the senate the consul; that harder
terms were being accepted than had been accepted
on the Sacred Mount. Nevertheless he was borne
down by the senate's unanimity and held his peace.

vol. 1.

413

P

LIVY

vit. Lex silentio perfertur. LVI1I. Turn primum
tributis comitiis creati tribuni sunt. Numero etiam
additos1 tres, perinde ac duo antea fuerint, Piso

2 auctor est. Nominat quoque tribunos, Cn. Siccium,
L. Numitorium, M. Duillium,2 Sp. Icilium,3 L. Mae-
cilium.4

3 Volscum Aequicumque 5 inter seditionem Roma-
nam est 6 bellum coortum. Vastaverant agros ut, si
qua secessio plebis fieret, ad se receptum haberet ;

4 compositis deinde rebus castra retro movere. Ap.
Claudius in Volscos missus, Quinctio Aequi provincia
evenit. Eadem in militia saevitia Appi quae domi
esse, liberior quod sine tribuniciis vinculis erat.

5 Odisse plebem plus quam paterno odio : quid? se7
victum ab ea, se unico consule electo adversus tribu-
niciam potestatem perlatam legem esse, quam minore
conatu, nequaquam tanta patrum spe, priores impe-

6 dierint 8 consules ? Haec ira indignatioque ferocem
animum ad vexandum saevo imperio exercitum stimu-
labat. Nec ulla vi domari poterat, tantum certamen

7 animis imbiberant. Segniter, otiose, neglegenter,
contumaciter omnia agere ; nec pudor nec metus
coercebat ; si citius agi vellet agmen, tardius sedulo

1 additos 5- : acldito XI. 2 Duillium Duellium XI.

8 Icilium <r : ilicium (or illi- ) XI.

4 Maecilium Conway : Mecilium (or melicium) XI.

6 Aequicumque $- : et quicumque XI.

6 eat - : et XI.

7 odio : quid ? se Weissenborn : odio quod se (or odio se) XI.

8 impedierint Ehenanus : impedierunt (or -rant) Xi.

BOOK II. i/vii. 4-LV111. 7

The law was passed without opposition. LVIII. Then b.c. 471
for the first time tribunes were elected in the tribal
assembly. That their number was also increased by
three, as if there had been only two before, is stated
by Piso. He also gives the names of the tribunes :
Gnaeus Siccius, Lucius Numitorius, Marcus Duillius,
Spurius Icilius, Lucius Maecilius.

While Rome was thus distracted, the Volsci and
the Aequi began war. They had laid waste the fields
in order that the plebeians, if they should secede,
might find a refuge with them.1 Then, when the
matter was settled, they withdrew their camp. Ap-
pius Claudius was sent against the Volsci ; to Quinctius
fell the command against the Aequi. In his conduct
in the field Appius displayed the same violence that
he had shown in Rome, and it now had freer play
because it was not hampered by the tribunes. He
hated the plebs with a hatred that surpassed his
father's : What ? Had he been beaten by them ?
Was it in his consulship, who had been chosen as
pre-eminently fitted to resist the tribunician power,
that a law had been passed which former consuls had
prevented, with less effort and by no means so much
hope of success on the part of the patricians ? His
wrath and indignation at this thought drove his fierce
spirit to torment the army with a savage exercise of
authority. Yet he was unable by any violence to
subdue them, so deeply had their spirits drunk or
opposition. Sloth, idleness, neglect, and obstinacy
were in all they did. Neither shame nor fear re-
strained them. If he wished the column to advance
more rapidly they deliberately retarded their pace ;

1 To lay waste Roman lands they must first enter them, and
the purpose clause depends really upon this implied meaning
of vastaverant.

4*5

P 2 °

LIVY

a.u.c. incedere ; si adhortator opens adesset. omnes sua

8 sponte motam remittere industriam ; praesenti vol-
tus demittere,1 tacite praetereuntem exsecrari, ut in-
victus ille odio plebeio animus interdum moveretur.

9 Omni nequiquam acerbitate prompta nihil iam cum
militibus agere, a centurionibus corruptum exercitum
dicere, tribunos plebei cavillans interdum et Vole-
rones vocare.

LIX. Nihil eorum Volsci nesciebant, instabant-
que eo magis sperantes idem certamen animorum
adversus Appium habiturum exercitum Romanum

2 quod adversus Fabium consulem habuisset. Ceterum
multo Appio quam Fabio violentior fuit ; non
enim vincere tantum noluit, ut Fabianus exer-
citus, sed vinci voluit. Productus in aciem turpi
fuga petit castra, nec ante restitit quam signa infe-
rentem Volscum munimentis vidit foedamque ex-

3 tremi agminis caedem. Turn expressa vis ad pug-
nandum ut victor iam a vallo submoveretur hostis,
satis tamen appareret capi tantum castra militem
Romanum noluisse, alibi2 gaudere sua clade atque

4 ignominia. Quibus nihil infractus ferox Appi ani-
mus cum insuper saevire vellet contionemque advo-
caret; concurrunt ad eum legati tribunique monentes

1 demittere : dimittere £1.

2 alibi W eissenborn : alii X2 : alioqui Walters,

416

BOOK II. lviii. 7-lix. 4

if he stood by to encourage their work, they would b.c. 471
all relax the industry they had manifested of their
own accord. In his presence they sunk their gaze ;
as he passed by they cursed him under their breath ;
till that proud spirit, which the hatred of the plebs
had never broken, was at times disturbed. After
exhausting every species of severity without effect,
he would have no more to do with the men ; the
centurions, he said, had corrupted the army, and he
sometimes sneeringly dubbed them "tribunes of the
plebs" and "Voleros."

LIX. Every one of these circumstances was known
to the Volsci, and they pressed their enemy the
harder, hoping that the Roman army would ex-
hibit the same spirited opposition to Appius which
it had evinced towards the consul Fabius. But
Appius found his men far more unruly than had
Fabius ; for not only were they unwilling to conquer,
as the Fabian army had been, but they wished to be
conquered. Being drawn out into battle-order, they
basely fled and sought their camp; nor did they make
a stand until they saw the Volsci advancing against
their fortifications and inflicting a disgraceful slaughter
upon their rearguard. This compelled them to exert
themselves and fight, with the result that the enemy
was dislodged from the stockade in the moment of
victory. Yet it was evident enough that the capture
of their camp was the only thing at which the Roman
soldiers balked, and that elsewhere they rejoiced at
their own defeat and ignominy. These things in no
wise daunted the haughty spirit of Appius. But when
he would have gone further and have vented his rage
upon the army, and was issuing orders for an assembly,
the lieutenants and tribunes gathered hurriedly about

4i7

LIVY

ne utique experiri vellet imperium cuius vis omnis in

5 consensu oboedientium esset, Negare volgo milites
se ad contionem ituros, passimque exaudiri voces
postulantium ut castra ex Volsco agro moveantur.
hostem victorem paulo ante prope in portis ac vallo
fnisse, ingentisque mali non suspicionem modo sed

6 apertam speciem obversari ante oculos. Victus tan-
dem, quando quidem nihil praeter tempus noxae
lucrarentur, remissa contione iter in insequentem
diem pronuntiari cum iussisset, prima luce classico

7 signum profectionis dedit. Cum inaxime agmen e
castris explicaretur, Yolsci., ut eodem signo excitati.,
novissimos adoriuntur. A quibus perlatus ad primos
tumultus eo pavore signaque et ordines turbavit ut
neque imperia exaudiri neque instrui acies posset.

8 Nemo ullius nisi fugae memor. Ita efFuso aginine
per stragem corporum armorumque evasere ut prius

9 hostis desisteret sequi quam Romanus fugere. Tan-
dem conlectis ex dissipato cursu militibus consul,
cum revocando nequiquam suos persecutus esset, in
pacato agro castra posuit ; advocataque contione in-
vectus baud falso in proditorem exercitum militaris

10 disciplinae, desertorem signorum,, ubi signa, ubi
arma essent singulos rogitans, inermes milites, signo

418

BOOK II. lix. 4-10

him and warned him upon no account to seek a test b.c. 471
of his authority, when its effectiveness all depended
on the goodwill of those obeying it. The men,
they reported, were saying that they would not go
to be harangued, and everywhere voices were over-
heard demanding that the camp be removed from
Volscian territory. The victorious enemy had a little
while before been almost in their gates and on their
wall, and a great disaster was not merely to be appre-
hended, but was openly hovering before their eyes.
Giving way at last, since the soldiers were gaining
nothing but a postponement of their punishment, he
relinquished the idea of an assembly, and commanded
a march for the following day. At daybreak he caused
the signal for departure to be sounded on the trumpet.
At the very instant when the column was getting
clear of the camp, the Volsci, as though set in motion
by the same signal, fell upon their rear. Thence the
confusion spread to the van, and the panic so dis-
ordered the standards and the ranks that it was im-
possible either to hear commands or to form a line.
Nobody thought of anything but flight, and so de-
moralised was the rout, as the men escaped over
fallen bodies and discarded weapons, that the enemy
sooner ceased to pursue than the Romans to flee.
When at last the soldiers had been collected from
their scattered flight, the consul, who had followed
his men in a vain attempt to call them back, pitched
his camp on friendly soil. Then he summoned an
assembly and soundly rated them, not without
reason, as an army which had been false to military
discipline and had deserted its standards. Asking
them all in turn where their arms and where their
standards were, he caused the unarmed soldiers and

419

LIVY

A2S3C* 1A amisso signiferos, ad hoc centuriones duplicariosque
qui reliquerant ordines virgis caesos securi per-
cussit ; cetera multitudo sorte decimus quisque ad
supplicium lecti.

LX. Contra ea in Aequis inter consulem ae mili-
tes comitate ac beneficiis certatum est. Et natura
Quinctius erat lenior, et saevitia infelix collegae quo

2 is magis gauderet ingenio suo effecerat. Huictantae
concordiae ducis exercitusque non ausi offerre se
Aequi, vagari populabundum hostem per agros passi ;

3 nec ullo ante bello latins inde acta est praeda. Ea
omnis 1 militi data est. Addebantur et laudes, qui-
bus baud minus quam praemio gaudent militum
animi. Cum duci turn propter ducem patribus quo-
que placatior exercitus rediit^ sibi parentem alteri
exercitui dominum datum ab senatu memorans.

4 Varia fortuna belli, atroci discordia domi forisque
annum exactum insignem maxime comitia tributa
eirieiunt, res maior victoria suscepti certaminis quam

5 usu ; plus enim dignitatis comitiis ipsis detractum
est patres 2 ex concilio summovendo quam virium aut
plebi additum est aut demptum patribus.

1 acta est praeda. Ea omnis Conway : acte (or -ae) praede
(or -ae) ea [omitted by all bat M) omnia (domn M, omnes
JI) n. 2 patres s~ Alschefaki : patribus fl.

1 This was granted in recognition of unusual valour. So
the Victoria Cross is accompanied by a small stipend.

420

BOOK II. lix. io-lx 5

the standard-bearers who had lost their standards, b.c. 471
and in addition to these the centurions and the re-
cipients of a double ration 1 who had quitted their
ranks, to be scourged with rods and beheaded ; of
the remaining number every tenth man was selected
by lot for punishment.

LX. To contrast with all this, in the Aequian cam-
paign there subsisted between consul and soldiers
an emulation of goodwill and kindness. Not only
was it natural to Quinctius to be more gentle, but
the unfortunate harshness of his colleague had given
him the more reason to be content with his own dis-
position. Against this complete harmony between
commander and army the Aequi ventured no oppo-
sition, but suffered their enemies to devastate their
fields at will ; and in fact no previous war had ever
yielded a larger booty from that country. This wTas
all given to the troops, and to the spoils were added
encomiums, which are no less efficacious than rewards
in rejoicing a soldier's heart. Not only their leader,
but for their leader's sake the Fathers, too, were
looked upon with greater kindness by the army w hen
they returned. They declared that to them the senate
had given a parent, to the other army a tyrant.

Varying fortune in war, grievous discord at home
and in the field, had characterized the year just
ended ; but it was chiefly distinguished by the tribal
assembly, a matter more important because the men
had won a victory in the struggle which they had
undertaken than in its practical results ; for the loss
of dignity to the assembly itself, caused by the re-
moval from it of the patricians, wras greater than the
gain in strength by the plebeians or the loss of it by
the Fathers.

421

LIVY

a.u.c. LXI. Turbulentior inde annus excepit L. Valerio

T. Aemilio consulibus, cum propter certamina ordi-
num de lege agraria turn propter iudicium Ap. Claudi,

2 cui, acerrimo adversario legis causamque possesso-
riim publici agri tamquam tertio consuli sustinenti,

3 M. Duillius et Cn. Siceius diem dixere. Numquam
ante tarn invisus plebi reus ad iudicium vocatus
populi est, plenus suarum, plenus pat em arum irarum.

4 Patres quoque non temere pro ullo aeque adnisi
sunt : propugnatorem senatus maiestatisque vindicem
suae, ad omnes tribunicios plebeiosque oppositum
tumultus, modum dumtaxat in certamine egressum,

5 iratae obici plebi. Unus e patribus, ipse Ap. Clau-
dius, et tribunos et piebem et suum iudicium pro
nihilo habebat. Ilium non minae plebis, non senatus
preces perpellere umquam potuere, non modo ut ves-
tem mutaret aut supplex prensaret homines, sed ne
ut ex consueta quidem asperitate oration is, cum ad
populum agenda causa esset, aliquid leniret atque

6 submitteret. Idem habitus oris, eadem contumacia
in voltu, idem in oratione spiritus erat, adeo ut
magna pars plebis Appium non minus reum timeret,

7 quam consulem timuerat. Semel causam dixit, quo
semper agere omnia solitus erat accusatorio spiritu ;

422

BOOK II. lxi. 1-7

LXI. A stormier year succeeded, under the con- b.c. 470
suls Lucius Valerius and Titus Aemilius, partly owing
to strife between the classes about the land-law, partly
to the trial of Appius Claudius. He was the bitterest
opponent of the law, and was upholding the claim
of those who had possession of the public domain as
if he had been a third consul, when Marcus Duillius
and Gnaeus Siccius lodged an accusation against him.
Never before had a defendant whom the plebs so
detested been brought to trial before the people,
burdened as he was with men's hatred, both of
himself and of his father. The patricians, for their
part, had not lightly put forth such exertions in
behalf of any man. They felt that the champion of
the senate and the guardian of their own dignity,
who had stood firm against all sorts of tribunician
and plebeian outbreaks, though he had possibly gone
too far in the heat of the struggle, was being ex-
posed to the angry commons. Alone amongst the
Fathers, Appius Claudius himself regarded tribunes,
plebs, and his own trial with perfect unconcern. He
was not one whom the threats of the plebeians or
the entreaties of the senate could ever prevail upon,
I do not say to put on mourning, or to seek men out
with appeals for mercy, but even to soften and subdue
in a slight degree the accustomed sharpness of his
tongue, though it was before the people he must
plead. There was the same expression on his count-
enance, the same arrogance in his glance, the same
fire in his speech ; so markedly, in fact, that a great
part of the plebs feared Appius no less when a de-
fendant than they had feared him as consul. Once
only did he plead his cause, in the tone he had
been wont to use on all occasions, namely, that of a

423

LIVY

adeoque constantia sua et tribunos obstupefecit et
plebein ut diem ipsi sua voluntate prodicerent,1 trahi

8 deinde rem sinerent. Haud ita multum interim tem-
poris fuit ; ante tamen quam prodicta dies veniret

9 morbo moritur. Cuius laudationem cum2 tribuni
plebis3 impedire conarentur/ j)lebs fraudari sollemni
honore supremum diem tanti viri noluit et laudatio-
nem tarn aequis auribus mortui audivit quam vivi
accusationem audierat, et exsequias frequens cele-
bravit.

LXII. Eodem anno Valerius consul cum exercitu
in Aequos profectus cum hostem ad proelium elicere
non posset, castra oppugnare est adortus. Prohibuit
foeda tempestas cum grandine ac tonitribus caelo

2 deiecta. Admirationem deinde auxit signo receptui
dato adeo tranquilla serenitas reddita ut velut5 nu-
mine aliquo defensa castra oppugnare iterum religio
fuerit. Omnis ira belli ad populationem agri vertit.

3 Alter consul Aemilius in Sabinis bellum gessit. Et
ibi, quia hostis moenibus se tenebat, vastati agri

4 sunt. Incendiis deinde non villarum modo sed etiam
vicorum, quibus frequenter habitabatur, Sabini exciti
cum praedatoribus occurrissent, ancipiti proelio di-
gressi postero die rettulere castra in tutiora loca.

5 Id satis consuli visum cur pro victo relinqueret hos-
tem, integro inde decedens bello.

1 prodicerent OH: prodiicerent M: producerent (om. L) &.

2 laudationem cum V Conway and Walters : cum lauda-
tionem & (but RD have conlaudationem cum, and L con-
laudationem).

3 tribuni plebis Vlg- : tr. pi. ft : tribunus plebis

4 conarentur Vg- : conaretur CI. 5 velut U- : uel CI.
424

BOOK II. lxi. 7-lxil 5

prosecutor ; and so completely did his firmness over- b.c. 470
whelm the tribunes and the commons that they them-
selves voluntarily adjourned the trial to a later day,
and then allowed the affair to drag. The interval was
not very long, but before the appointed day came
round Appius fell sick and died. When his eulogy
was being pronounced, the tribunes of the plebs
attempted to interfere, but the plebs were not will-
ing that the funeral-day of so great a man should be
defrauded of the customary honours. They listened
to his praises with as great goodwill, now he was
dead, as they had heard the living man accused, and
attended his burial in crowds.

LXI I. The same year Valerius the consul, having
marched with an army against the Aequi, was unable
to entice the enemy into a battle, and directed an
assault upon their camp. This was foiled by an awful
storm that descended upon them with hail and claps
of thunder. Their amazement was soon increased, on
the signal for retreat being given, by the reappear-
ance of so tranquil and cloudless a sky, that, as though
some god had defended the camp, they scrupled to
attack it a second time, and directed all their hos-
tility towards devastating the fields. The other consul,
Aemilius, conducted a campaign in the Sabine country.
There, too, the enemy kept within his walls, and the
Romans laid waste his fields. Afterwards, by setting
fire not only to farmhouses but even to the villages,
where the people lived close together, they aroused
the Sabines, who, having met the pillagers and fought
a drawn battle with them, next day withdrew their
camp to a safer position. This seemed to the consul
a sufficient pretext for leaving the enemy, as con-
quered, and he retired ere the campaign had fairly
begun.

425

VOL. I. Q

LIVY

a.u.c. LXIII. Inter haec bella manente discordia domi

285

consules T. Numicius Priscus A. Verginius facti.

2 Non ultra videbatur latura plebes dilationem agra-
riae legis, ultimaque vis parabatur, cum Volscos
adesse fumo ex incendiis villarum fugaque agrestium
cognitum est. Ea res maturam iam seditionem ac

3 prope erumpentem repressit. Consules, coacti ex-
templo ab senatu, ad bellum educta ex urbe iuven-

4 tute tranquilliorem ceteram plebem fecerunt. Et
hostes quidem, nihil aliud quam perfusis vano timore

5 Romanis, citato agmine abeunt : Numicius Antium
adversus Volscos, Verginius contra Aequos profectus.
Ibi ex insidiis prope magna accepta clade virtus
militum rem prolapsam neglegentia consulis restituit.

6 Melius in Volscis imperatum est ; fusi primo proelio
hostes fugaque in urbem Antium, ut turn res erant,
opulentissimam, acti. Quam consul oppugnare non
ausus, Caenonem, aliud oppidum nequaquam tam

7 opulentum, ab Antiatibus cepit. Dum Aequi Vols-
cique Romanos exercitus tenent, Sabini usque ad
portas urbis populantes incessere. Deinde ipsi paucis
post diebus ab duobus exercitibus, utroque per iram
consule ingresso in finis, plus cladium quam intule-
rant acceperunt.

426

BOOK II. Lxin. 1-7

LXIII. While these wars were going on and there b.c. 469
was still discord at home, Titus Numicius Priscus and
Aulus Verginius were elected consuls. It was clear
that the plehs would endure no further postponement
of the land-law, and were preparing to use violent
measures, when the approach of a Volscian army was
announced by the smoke which rose from burning
farmhouses and by the flight of the country people.
By this circumstance the insurrection, which was
already matured and on the point of breaking out,
was repressed. The consuls, being at once com-
manded to do so by the senate, led the young men
out of the City to the war, a policy which diminished
the restlessness of the plebeians who were left behind.
As for the enemy, they did no more than cause the
Romans a needless panic, and hastily retreated.
Numicius marched to Antium against the Volsci,
Verginius against the Aequi. In the Aequian cam-
paign an ambush nearly resulted in a severe defeat
for the Romans, but the courage of the soldiers
restored the day, which the carelessness of the
consul had almost lost. The Volscian expedition
was better directed : the enemy were routed in the
first engagement and driven in flight to Antium, a
very opulent city for those days. This place the
consul did not venture to assail, but he captured
from the Antiates another town, named Caeno, of
far less wealth. While the Aequi and Volsci kept
the Roman armies busy, the Sabines advanced clear
to the gates of the City on a plundering raid. A
few days after this they themselves had to confront
two armies, for both the consuls indignantly invaded
their borders, and they suffered greater losses than
they had themselves inflicted.

427

LIVY

a.u.c. LXIV. Extremo anno pacis aliquid fuit sed. ut

285-286

semper alias, sollicitae 1 certamine patrum et plebis.

2 I rata plebs interesse consularibus comitiis noluit;
per patres clientesque patrum consules creati T,
Quinctius Q. Servilius. Similem annum priori ha-
bent,2 seditiosa initia, bello deinde externo tran-

3 quilla. Sabini Crustuminos campos citato agmine
transgressi cum caedes et incendia circum Anienem
flumen fecissent, a porta prope Collina moenibusque
pulsi ingentes tamen praedas hominum pecorumque

4 egere. Quos Servilius consul infesto exercitu inse-
cutus ipsum quidem agmen adipisci aequis locis non
potuit, populationem adeo effuse fecit ut nihil bello
intactum relinqueret, multiplicique capta praeda re-

5 diret. Et in Volscis res publica egregie gesta cum
ducis turn militum opera. Primum aequo campo
signis conlatis pugnatum ingenti caede utrimque,

6 plurimo sanguine. Et Romani, quia paucitas damno
sentiendo propior erat, gradum rettulissent, ni salubri
mendacio consul fugere hostes ab cornu altero clami-
tans concitasset aciem. Impetu facto, dum se putant

7 vincere vicere. Consul metuens ne nimis instando

8 renovaret certamen, signum receptui dedit. Inter-

1 sollicitae : sollicitae pacis ft.

2 habent Gronov. : consules habent ft.

1 Held in the centuriate comitia.

428

BOOK II. lxiv. 1-8

LXIV. Towards the close of the year there was a
brief season of peace, but, as always on other occasions,
a peace distracted by the strife of patricians and
plebeians. The angry plebs refused to take part in
the consular elections : 1 by the votes of the patri-
cians and their clients Titus Quinctius and Quintus
Servilius were chosen consuls. They experienced a
year like the preceding one : dissensions, to begin
with, then a foreign war and tranquillity. The Sabines
executed a rapid march across the Crustuminian plains,
bringing fire and sword to the country about the river
Anio. When almost at the Colline Gate and the City
walls they were beaten back, yet they carried off im-
mense spoils of men and cattle. Servilius the consul
pursued them with an army, and though he could not
overtake the column itself on ground which was
suitable for offering battle, he devastated the country
so extensively as to leave nothing untouched by the
ravages of war, and returned with many times the
plunder which the Romans had lost. Operations in
the Volscian country, too, were very successful, thanks
both to the general and to his soldiers. First, there
was a pitched battle in the open field, with enormous
numbers killed and wounded on both sides. The
Romans indeed, whose fewness made them feel their
loss more sensibly, would have fallen back, had it
not been for a salutary falsehood told by the consul,
who shouted that the enemy were running away
on the other wing, and so aroused the spirits of his
troops. The Romans charged and, believing them-
selves to be conquering, they conquered. The consul
feared lest by pressing the enemy too hard he
might cause a renewal of the struggle. He there-
fore gave the signal for the recall. For a few

LIVY

a u.c. cessere pauci dies, velut tacitis indutiis utrimque
quiete sumpta, per quos ingens vis hominum ex om-
nibus Volscis Aequisque populis in castra venit, haud
9 dubitans si senserint Romanos nocte abituros. Ita-
que tertia fere vigilia ad castra oppugnanda veniunt.

10 Quinctius sedato tumultu quern terror subitus exci-
verat, cum manere in tentoriis quietum militem
iussisset, Hernicorum cohortem in stationem educit,
cornicines tubicinesque in equos impositos canere
ante vallum iubet sollicitumque hostem ad lucem

11 tenere. Reliquum noctis adeo tranquilla omnia in
castris fuere, ut sonnn" quoque Romanis copia esset.
Volscos species armatorum peditum, quos et plures
esse et Romanos putabant, fremitus hinnitusque
equorum, qui et insueto sedente equite et insuper
aures agitante sonitu saeviebant, intentos velut ad
impetum hostium tenuit.

A.tT.a LXV. Ubi inluxit, Romanus integer satiatusque

somno productus in aciem fessum stando et vigiliis

2 Volscum primo impetu perculit ; quamquam cessere
magis quam pulsi hostes sunt, quia ab tergo erant
clivi, in quos post principia integris ordinibus tutus
receptus fuit. Consul, ubi ad iniquum locum ventum
est, sistit aciem. Miles aegre teneri, clamare, et

3 poscere ut perculsis instare liceat. Ferocius agunt
equites ; circumfusi duci vociferantur se ante signa

1 The Romans divided the night into four equal watches,
beginning at sunset.

43°

BOOK II. lxiv. 8-lxv. 3

days both sides rested, as if they had tacitly agreed B.c.
on a truce. Meanwhile a great force of men 469'468
came in from all their tribes to the camp of the
Volsci and Aequi. They made no question but
that the Romans, if they had perceived them,
would retreat in the night, and accordingly at about
the third watch 1 they came to attack the camp.
Quinctius stilled the tumult which the sudden alarm
had raised, and bidding the soldiers remain quietly
in their tents, led out a cohort of Hernici to an out-
post, and mounting trumpeters and buglers upon
horses, ordered them to blow their instruments in
front of the rampart and keep the enemy in suspense
till daybreak. For the remainder of the night all
wras so peaceful in camp that the Romans w ere even
able to sleep. But the Volsci, beholding armed foot-
soldiers, whom they supposed to be more numerous
than they were, and to be Romans; and hearing the
stamping and neighing of the horses, which were in-
furiated not only at finding unaccustomed riders on
their backs, but also by the blare of the trumpets,
were kept on the alert in anticipation of an attack.

LXV. As soon as it was light, the Romans, w ho b.c. 468
were fresh and had enjoyed a good sleep, were led out
into line of battle. The Volsci, weary from standing
and from loss of sleep, were driven back at the first
assault ; though it was rather a retreat than a rout,
for behind them wTere hills, to which, under cover of
the first line, they withdrew safely and in good order.
The consul ordered a halt when his army reached
rising ground. The infantry could hardly be restrained,
noisily demanding permission to press on after the
fleeing enemy. Still more ardent were the cavalry.
They swarmed about the general, and shouted that

43i

LIVY

ituros. Dum cunctatur consul virtute militum fretus,
loco parum fidens, conclamant se ituros, clamoremque
res est secuta. Fixis in terram pilis, quo leviores

4 ardua evaderent, cursu subeunt. Volscus effusis ad
primum impetum missilibus t telis saxa obiacentia
pedibus ingerit in subeuntes, turbatosque ictibus
crebris urget ex superiore loco. Sic prope oneratum
est sinistrum Romanis cornu, ni referentibus iam
gradum consul increpando simul temeritatem simul

5 ignaviam pudore metum excussisset. Restitere primo
obstinatis animis ; deinde, ut obtinentes locum vim
pro vi referebantj1 audent ultro gradum inferre et
clamore renovato commovent aciem ; turn rursus im-
petu capto enituntur atque exsuperant iniquitatem

6 loci. Iam prope erat ut in summum clivi iugum
evaderent, cum terga liostcs dedere effusoque cursu
paene agmine uno fugientes sequentesque castris
incidere. In eo pavore castra capiuntur. Qui Vols-

7 corum effugere potuerunt Antium petunt. Antium
et Romanus exercitus ductus. Paucos circumsessum
dies deditur, nulla oppugnantium nova vi, sed quod
iam inde ab infelici pugna castrisque amissis ceci-
derant animi.

1 vim pro vi referebant Conway and Walters : uires fere-
bant : vires refecerant Weissenborn : vires reficiebant
Madvig.

432

BOOK II. lxv. 3-7

they were going on before the standards. While the B.c. 468
consul was hesitating, feeling certain of the valour of
his troops but doubtful of the ground, the men cried
out that they were going, and instantly made good
their word. Planting their spears in the ground,
that they might be the lighter for the ascent, they
went up at a run. The Volsci, having discharged
their javelins at the first onset, picked up the stones
which lay about under their feet, and flung them at
their enemies as they mounted. Confused by this
rain of missiles from above, the left wing of the Ro-
mans was nearly overwhelmed, and had already begun
to retreat, when the consul, reproaching them at once
with rashness and with cowardice, succeeded in sham-
ing them out of their fear. First they made a reso-
lute stand ; then, after holding their ground and
returning blow for blow, they even dared to press
forward and, renewing their cheers, set their line
in motion ; then with another rush they struggled
upward and scaled the height ; and they were just
emerging upon the summit of the ridge, when the
enemy turned and fled. Running at full speed, and
almost in one body, the pursued and the pursuers
reached the Volscian camp, which was captured in
the panic. Those of the Volsci who succeeded in
escaping made for Antium, and to Antium marched
the Roman army also. After a blockade of a few
days the place surrendered ; the besiegers had not
delivered any new attack, but the Volsci had lost
heart from the moment of their unsuccessful battle
and the capture of their camp.

433

LIBRI II PERIOCHA

Brutus iureiurando populum adstrinxib neminem Ro-
mae regnare passuroa. Tarquinium Collatinum collegam
suum propter adfinitatem Tarquiniorum suspectum coegifc
consulatu se abdicare et civitate cedere. Bona regum
diripi iussit, agrum Marti consecravit, qui campus Mar-
tius nominatus est. Adulescentes nobiles, in quibus snos
quoque et fratris filios, quia coniuraverant de recipiendis
regibus, securi percussit. Servo indici, cui Vindicio no-
men fuit, Iibertatem dedit ; ex cuius nomine vindicta
appellata. Cum adversus reges, qui contractis Yeientum
et Tarquiniensium copiis bellum intulerant, exercitum
duxisset, in acie cum Arrunte filio Superbi commortuus
est ; eumque matronae anno luxerunt. P. Valerius 1
consul legem de provocatione ad populum tulit. Capito-
lium dedicatum est. Porsenna, Clusinorum rex, bello
pro Tarquinis suscepto cum ad Ianiculum venisset, ne
Tiberim transiret virtute Coclitis Horati prohibitus est,
qui, dum alii pontem Sublicium rescindunt, solus Etruscos
sustinuit et ponte rupto armatus in flumen se misit et ad
suos transnavit. Accessit alterum virtutis exemplum in
Mucio. Qui cum ad feriendum Porsennam castra hos-
tium intrasset, occiso scriba, quern regem esse existima-
verat, conprehensus inpositam manum altaribus, in qui-
bus sacrificatum erat, exuri passua est dixitque tales ccc
esse. Quorum admiratione coactus Porsenna pacis con-

1 P. Valerius Sigovius : 1. ualcrius MSS.

434

SUMMARY OF BOOK II

Brutcs bound the people with an oath to allow no one
to reign in Rome. Tarquinius Collatinus, his colleague,
who had incurred suspicion because of his relationship to
the Tarquinii, he forced to abdicate the consulship and
withdraw from the state. He ordered the king's goods
to be plundered, and consecrated his land to Mars. It
was named the Campus Martius. Certain noble youths —
among them his own sons and his brother's — he beheaded,
because they had conspired to bring back the kings. To
the slave who gave the information, a man called Vindi-
cius, he gave his freedom ; from his name came the word
vindicta. Having led an army against the princes, who
had collected forces from Veii and Tarquinii and begun a
war, he fell in the battle, together with Arruns, the son
of Superbus, and the matrons mourned for him a year.
Publius Valerius the consul proposed a law about appeal-
ing to the people. The Capitol was dedicated. Porsenna,
king of Clusium, made war in behalf of the Tarquinii and
came to Janiculum, but was prevented from crossing the
Tiber by the bravery of Horatius Codes, who, while the
others were cutting down the Sublician Bridge, kept the
Etruscans at bay, single-handed, and when the bridge
had been destroyed, threw himself armed into the river
and swam across to his fellows. Another example of
courage was exhibited by Mucius. Having entered the
camp of the enemy with the purpose of killing Porsenna,
he slew a secretary, whom he had taken for the king.
Being arrested, he placed his hand upon the altar, where
sacrifice had been made, and suffering it to be burned off,
declared that there were three hundred others as deter-
mined as himself. Overcome with astonishment at their
daring, Porsenna proposed terms of peace and, having

435

LIVY

dicionea ferre bellum omisit acceptis obsidibus. Ex qui-
bus virgo una Cloelia deceptis custodibus per Tiberim ad
suos transnavit et cum reddita esset, a1 Porsenna honori-
fice remissa equestri statua donata est. Ad versus Tar-
quinium Superbum cum Latinorum exercitu bellum in-
ferentem Aulus Postumius2 dictator prospere pugnavit.
Appius Claudius ex Sabinis Romam transfugit. Ob hoc
Claudia tribus adiecta est numerusque tribuum ampliatus
est, ut essent xxi. Plebs cum propter nexos ob aes
alienum in Sacrum montem secessisset, consilio Meneni
Agrippae a seditione revocata est. Idem Agrippa cum
decessisset, propter paupertatem publico inpendio elatus
est. Tribuni plebis quinque creati sunt. Oppidum Vuls-
corum Corioli captum est virtute et opera Cn. Marci, qui
ob hoc Coriolanus vocatus est. T. Latinius,3 vir de plebe,
cum in visu admonitus ut de quibusdam religionibus ad
senatum perferret id* neglexisset, amisso filio pedibus
debilis f actus, postquam delatus ad senatum lectica eadem
ilia indicaverat, usu pedum recepto domum reversus est.
Cum Cn. Marcius Coriolanus, qui in exilium erat pulsus,
dux Vulscorum factus oxercitum hostium urbi admovisset,
et missi ad eum primum legati, postea sacerdotes frustra
deprecati essent ne bellum patriae inferret, Veturia mater
et Volumnia uxor impetraverunt ab eo, ut recederet.
Lex agraria primum lata est. Spurius Cassius consularis
regni crimine damnatus est necatusque. Opillia5 virgo
Vestalis ob incestum viva defossa est. Cum vicini
Veientes incommodi magis quam graves essent, familia
Fabiorum id bellum gerendum depoposcit misitque in id
trecentos et sex armatos, qui ad Cremeram praeter unum

1 a supplied by edd.

2 Postumius edd. : postumus MSS.

3 Latinius Sigonius : latinus MSS.

4 id Drakenborch : et MSS.

5 Opillia Hertz: illia (ilia) MSS.: Livy, ii. xlii. 11, has
Oppia: Dion. Hal. viii. 89, 'Om^la: Oros. II. viii. 13,
Popilia.

43<5

SUMMARY OF BOOK II

taken hostages, relinquished the war. One of the hos-
tages, the maiden Cloelia, evaded the sentinels and swam
across the Tiber to her people. She was given up to
Porsenna, but was restored by hiin with marks of honour,
and was presented with an equestrian statue. Aulus
Postumius the dictator fought a successful battle against
Tarquinius Superbus, who was advancing with an army
of Latins. Appius Claudius came over from the Sabines
to the Romans. On this account the Claudian tribe was
added and the number of tribes was increased to twenty-
one. The plebs, after seceding to the Sacred Mount because
of those who had been enslaved for debt, were induced by
the advice of Menenius Agrippa to cease from their re-
bellion. The same Agrippa when he died was buried,
owing to his poverty, at the state's expense. Five
plebeian tribunes were elected. The Volscian town of
Corioli was captured by the valiant efforts of Gnaeus
Marcius, who acquired from this circumstance the name
of Coriolanus. Titus Latinius, a man of the plebs, was
warned in a dream to inform the senate regarding certain
offences against religion. Having neglected to do it, he
lost a son and was paralysed in his feet. When he had
been carried to the senate in a litter and had revealed
these same matters, he recovered the use of his feet and
returned to his house. When Gnaeus Marcius Corio-
lanus, who had been driven into exile and had been made
general of the Volsci, had led a hostile army nearly to
Rome, and when the envoys who had been sent to him
at first and afterwards the priests had vainly besought
him not to make war upon his native land, his mother
Veturia and his wife Volumnia persuaded him to with-
draw. For the first time a land-law was proposed.
Spurius Cassius, the ex-consul, charged with aspiring to
be king, was condemned and put to death. Opillia, a
Vestal Virgin, was buried alive for unchastity. The neigh-
bouring Veientes being a troublesome rather than a dan-
gerous enemy, the Fabian family asked to be allowed to
carry on that war, and dispatched thither 306 armed men,

437

LIVY

ab hostibus caesi sunt. Appius Claudius cos. cum ad-
versus Yulscos contumacia exercitus male pugnatum esset,
decimum quemque militum fuste percussit. Res prao-
terea adversus Yulscos et Hernicos et Yeientes et sedi-
tiones inter patres plebemque continet.

438

SUMMARY OF BOOK II

who were all but one killed by the enemy at the Cremera.
When Appius Claudius the consul had sustained a defeat
at the hands of the Volsci, owing to the contumacy of
his army, he caused every tenth soldier to be scourged
to death. It contains besides campaigns against the
Volsci, the Hernici, and the Veientes, and the quarrels
between the patricians and the plebs.

439

INDEX OF NAMES

{The

Aborigines, 8, 10, 12
Achivi, 8

Actiacum bellum, 66
Aebutius, T., 278, 280
Aemilius, L., 356, 386, 400 ; T., 422,
424

Aeneas, 8-14 ; Aeneas Silvius, 16
Aequi, 184, 312, 314, 318, 322, 350,

356, 360, 366, 380, 382, 384, 398,

410, 414, 424, 426, 430.
Aequicum bellum, 414
Agrippa (Alban king), 16 ; Mene-

nius Agrippa, see Menenius
Alba Longa, 14, 16, 24, 70, 76, 78,

90, 96, 104, 106, 180
Albani, 24, 76, 78, 80, 82, 94-110 ;

Albanus mons, 14, 110
Albinus, L., 324
Albula, 14, 16
Alpes, 8, 12
Ameriola, 136
Amulius, 16, 20
Anchises, 10

Ancus Marcius, 112-128, 140, 142,
146, 180

Anio, 96, 130, 132, 270, 300, 322, 428

Antemnates, 34, 38, 40

Antenor, 8

Antiates, 326

Antium, 326, 426, 432

Apiolae, 128

Apollo, 196

Appius Claudius, 270-312, 362, 364 ;

Appius Claudius (son), 408-422
Aquilii, 223-240 ; Aquilus, C, 350
Arcades, 20
Arcadica urbs, 20
Ardea, 196, 200, 208
Argiletum, 66
Aricia, 264, 300
Aricini, 264

LIVY L

are to Pages.)

Aristodemus, 286, 330

Arruns (brother of L. Tarquinius

Priscus), 122; (son of Priscus),

146, 160
Arsia silva, 238
Ascanius, 10, 14, 16
Asia, 156

Attius Clausus (= Appius Claudius)
270 ; Attius Tullius, 334, 338,
344, 350

Attus Navius, 130, 132

Atys, 16

Augustus, 66

Aurunci, 270, 274, 300, 302
Aventinus (Alban king), 16 ; mons,
16, 24, 70, 118, 120, 306, 322

Brutus, see Iunius

Cacus, 26, 28

Caedicius, L., 396

Caelius mons, 106, 118, 254

Caeninenses, 34, 38

Caeno, 426

Caere, 12, 208

Caesar Augustus, 66

Camenae, 74

Cameria, 136

Campania, 394

Campus Martius, 154, 230

Capena porta, 90

Capetus, 16

Capitolinus collis, 44

Capitolium, 40, 138, 242, 244, 248,

288, 386
Caprae palus, 56
Capys, 16
Carmenta, 28
Carmentalis porta, 386
Cassius, Sp., 272, 274, 326, 328,

352, 354, 356, 358

443

INDEX OF NAMES

Castor, 284, 356
Celeres, 56
Ceres, 354
Circa (Circe), 172
Circeii, 194, 344

Claudia tribus (vetus), 270 ;

Claudius, see Appius
Cloelia, 260; Cloelii,106; Cloelius,

Q., 284
Cluilia fossa, 78, 344
Cluilius, C, 76, 78,80
Codes, see Horatius
Collatia, 134, 198, 204, 206
Collating 136; Collatinus, L.

Tarquinius, 198-224
Collina porta, 254, 392, 428
Cominius, Postumus, 274, 326, 328
Considius, Q., 394
Consualia, 34
Cora, 270, 286
Corbio, 344
Corinthus, 164
Coriolanus, see Marcius, Cn.
Corioli, 326, 328, 344
Cornelius, Servius, 354
Corniculum, 136, 140
Cremera, 386, 388, 394
Creusa, 14
Croton, 64

Crustumeria, 278 ; Crustumerlum,
136

Crustumini, 34, 38, 42 ; Crustumini

campi, 428
Cumae, 246, 264, 286, 330
Cures, 48, 62, 124
Curia Hostilia, 106
Curiatii fratres, 82-94; Curiatii

(gens), 106
Curtius, Mettius, 44, 46; Curtiu3

lacus, 48
Cyprius vicus, 168

Delphi, 194
Demaratus, 122
Dialis flamen, 70
Diana Ephesia, 156, 158
Dianium, 168
Diespiter. 84
Duillius,M., 414, 422

ECETRANI VOLSCI, 298

Egeria, 68, 74 ; Egerius (Tar-
quinius, son of Arruns), 122, 134,
198

444

Elicius, see Iuppiter
Eneti, 8

Esquiliae, 154, 306
Esriuilina, porta, 254
Etruria, 12, 108, 130, 192, 264, 330,
364, 382

Etrusca res, 80 ; Etrusci, 12, et

passim.
Euganei, 8

Evander, 20, 26, 28, 30

Fabia GENS, 382, 388, 390, 392;

Fabius, Q., 354, 356, 360, 374,
378; Caeso(= K.), 354, 356, 360,
374, 380, 382 ; M., 358, 362, 370,
372, 374 ; Pictor, 154, 192, 350

Faustulus, 18, 20

Ferentina, aqua, 180, Ferentinum
caput, 340 ; Ferentinae lucus,
174, 182

Feretrius, see Iuppiter

Feronia, 108

Ficana, 118

Ficulea vetus, 136

Fidenae, 52, 96, 278

Fidenates, 50, 52, 54, 96, 98

Fides, 74

Flavoleius,M., 372

Fortuna, 80 ; muliebris, 350

Fufetius, see Mettius

Furius, Sex., 344 ; Sp., 360; L.,

400 ; P., 406
Fusius, Sp., 84

GABII, 182, 184, 188, 190, 208
Gabina via, 254 ; Gabini, 184, 186
Geganii, 106 ; Gegimius, T., 328
Geniicius, T., 394 ; Cn., 400, 404
Geryones, 26
Gradivus, see Mars
Graecia, 194

Hadriatious, 8
Helena, 8
Heraclea, 64
Hercules, 26, 28

Herminius, T., 250, 254, 266, 282
Hernici, 184. 286, 288, 350, 398, 430
Hersilia, 42

Horatia gens, 94 ; pila, 92 ;
Horatii fratres, 82-92 ; Horatius,
M., Pulvillus, 242, 244 ; Codes,
248, 250, 262; C, 390, 392

Hostilia, curia, 106 ; Hostilius,
Hostius, 44; Tullus, 74-114, 180

INDEX OF NAMES

IANICULUM, 120, 124, 248, 260, 264,

268, 392, 394, 396
Ianus, 66, 116
Icilius, Sp., 414
Ilium, 14
Inregillum, 270
Inuus, 20
Italia, 12, 62

Iulia gens, 14 ; Iulii, 106 ; Iulius
Proculus, 58; Iulius, C, 360;
Iulius Vopiscus, 400

lulus, 14

Iunia domus, 232 ; lunius, L.,
Brutus, 194-204, 208, 218,
220-228, 236, 240, 244, 270

Iuppiter, 28, 44, 46, 66, 70, 84, 114,
116, 138, 182, 190, 244, 336, 338,
374 ; Elicius, 72, 112 ; Feretrius,
40, 122 ; Indiges, 14 ; Stator, 44,
144

LABICI, 344

Laetorius, M., 304, 408, 410
Larcius, Sp., 250, 254,266; T., 284
Larentia, 18

Largius, T., 274, 276, 310, 312
Lars Porsinna (Porsena), see
Porsinna

Latina res, 14; Latini, 12, et
passim ; Prisci Latini, 16, 116,
118, 136; Latinus (king of the
Laurentes), 8, 10, 12 ; Silvius, 16

Latinius, T., 336, 436

Laurens ager, 8 ; Laurentinus ager,
10

Laurentes, 50
Laurentium, 50

Lavinia, 10, 14 ; Lavinium, 10, 14,

24, 50, 78, 224, 344
Licinius, C, 324 : Sp., 360
Longula, 326, 344
Luceres. 50 130

Lucretia, 198, 202, 206 ; Lucretius,
Sp., Tricipitinus, 202, 206, 208,
224, 242, 244 ; T., 244, 254, 270 ;
P., 266

Lucumo (= L. Tarquinius Priscus),

122, 124
Lupercal, 20
Lycaeus Pan, 20

Macedonia, 8
Maecilius, L., 414
Maesia silva, 122

Malitiosa silva, 108

Manlius, T., 66 ; Cn., 362, 370, 374,

376 ; C., 400
Marcius, Cn., Coriolanus, 326-352,

396, 402 ; see also Numa and

Ancus

Mars, 2, 16, 70, 88, 120, 238, 374 ;

Gradivus, 70
Medullia, 120, 136
Menenius Agrippa, 270, 322, 338,

396; Menenius, T., 390, 394, 396,

400, 402
Mercuri, aedes, 286, 302
Metapontum, 64

Mettius Curtius, 44, 46, 48;

Fufetius, 78, 90, 96, 100, 102
Mezentius, 12, 14
Minucius, M., 284, 330 ; P., 328
Mucia prata, 260; Mucius, C,

Scaevola, 254-262
Murcia, 120

Naevia, porta, 254

Nautius, Sp., 344 ; C, 396, 398

Navius, Attus, 130

Neptunus, 34

Nomentum, 136

Norba, 330

Nova via, 144

Numa Pompilius, 62-74, 112, 114,
124,126,148; Numa Marcius, 70
Numicius, T., Priscus, 426
Numicus, 14
Numitor, 16-24
Numitorius, L., 414

Octavius Mamilius, 172. 26S-282
Opillia, 436

Opiter, Verginius, see Verginiua
Oppia (Vestalis), 358
Ortona, 360
Ostia, 122, 330

Palatintjs, 44

Palatium, 20, 24, 26, 44, 46, 118,

120, 248
Pallanteum, 20
Pallantium, 20
Pallor, 98
Pan (Lycaeus), 20
Pavor, 98
Pedum, 344

445

INDEX OF NAMES

Peloponnesus, 28
Pinarii, 28, 30 ; Pinarius, L., 406
Piso (L. Calpurnius, Frugi), 192, 322
Politorium, 118
Polusca, 326
Pometia, 270, 272, 286
Pompilius, see Numa
Pomptinus ager, 330
Pontificius, Tib., 362
Porsinna, Lars, 244-268; Arruns,
264

Postumius, P., 268, 270; A., 278,

280, 284, 300, 356
Potitii, 28, 30
Praeneste, 278
Proca, 16

Proculus, see Iulius
Publicola, see Valerius, P.
Publilius, Volero, 404-408, 416
Pylaemenes, 8
Punicum bellum, 66
Pythagoras, 62

Quinctii, 106 ; Quinctius, T., 408,

410, 412, 414, 428, 430
Quirinalis, collis, 154
Quirinus, 70, 116

Quirites, 48, 58, 62, 82, 84, 94, 242,
292

Ramnenses, 50
Ramnes, 130
Rea Silvia, 16

Regillus. lacus, 284, 288, 318

Remus, 20, 22, 24

Roma, 40, et passim

Romani, 40, et passim

Romularis, ficus, 18

Romulus, 20-74, 108, 114, 130, 140,

152, 170 ; Romulus Silvius, 16
Ruminalis, ficus, 18
Rutuli, 10, 12, 196

Sabinae, 46, 48 ; Sabini, 34-48, 60,
64, 74, 106, 108, 110, 118, 132,
134, 158, 268, 270, 274, 276, 300,
314, 316, 382, 396, 398, 424, 426

Sacer mons, 322, 332, 412

Salii, 70, 98

Satricum, 344

Saturnalia, 284

Saturnus, 284

446

Saxa Rubra, 386
Scaevola, see Mucius, C.
Sceleratus vicus, 170
Sempronius, A., 284, 330
Servilii.106 ; Servilius,P., 2S6-314;

C, 386; Sp., 392, 390, 400;

Q., 428

Servius Tullius, 62, 138-170, 206,

208, 222
Siccius, Cn., 414, 422
Sicilia, 8, 330

Sicinius quidam, 322, 330 ; T., 350
Siculum, fretum, 12
Signia, 194, 286
Silvanus, 238

Silvia gens, 16 ; Silvius, 16

Spei (aedes), 392

Statins, T., 396

Stator, see Iuppiter

Suessa Pometia. 146, 182, 298

Sulpicius, Ser., 278

Tanaqtjil, 122, 138, 144, 164
Tarpeius, Sp., 42 ; Tarpeius, mons,
190

Tarquinia, 194; Tarquinii (town),
122, 124, 164; (family),
330; Tarquinius, L., Priscus
(= Lucumo), 122, 124, 126-146,
164, 222; Arruns (brother of
Priscus), 122 ; Arruns (son of
Priscus), 146, 160; Lucius,
Superbus, 146, 160-238, 266, 268,
278, 286, 332; Sextus (son of
Superbus), 184-188, 196-208 ;
Arruns (son of Superbus), 194,
280; Titus (son of Superbus),
194, 280 ; Tarquinius Collatinus,
see Collatinus

Tatius, Titus, 38, 42, 50, 60, 108,
124, 126, 190

Tellenae, 118

Tellus, 354

Terminus, 190

Termo, 210

Thalassius, 36

Tiberinus (Alban king), 16 ; Tiber-
inus pater (river god), 250

Tiberis, 16, 18, 26, 54, 96, 120, 122,
134, 136, 230, 248, 250, 256, 260,
330, 392

Titienses, 50, 130

Trebium, 344

Tricipitinus, see Lucretius, Sp.

INDEX OF NAMES

Troia, 8, 78; Troiana proles, 76;

Troiani. 8, 10, 12 : Troiainis, 8
Tullia. 162, 170, 208; Tullius, M'.,

278 ; Servius Tullius, sec Servius
Tullus, see Hostilius
Turnus (king of the Eutuli), 10, 12 ;

Turnus Herdonius, 174, 176, 178
Tusci, 190, et passim ; Tuscus ager,

386 : vicus, 266

Ulixes, 172
Urbius, clivus, 170

Valerius, M. (fetial), 84; P.,
Publicola (son of Volesus), 202,
204, 224, 236, 238. 242, 244, 252,
254, 266, 270;' M. (consul
505 B.C.). 268,280; M*. (dictator,
son of Volesus), 314, 320 ; M\
(grandson of Volesus), 276; L.,
354, 358, 422, 424; P., (consul
476 B.C.), 396

Veiens, 98, 390 ; Veiens bellum,
358, 364, 395; Veientes, 54, 56,
90, 96, 108, 122, 148, 234, 236,
238, 244, 260, 360, 364, 368, 374,
3S0, 3S2, 386, 388, 392, 400

Veii, 54, 398
Velia, 240, 242
Veliternus ager, 318
Velitrae, 316, 318
Veneti, 8
Venus, 10

Verginius Opiter, 272, 400 ; T., 284,
380; A., 306, 392, 396, 426 ; P.,
310, 312; Verginius Proculus,
352, 354

Vesta, 70

Vestalis (virgo), 16, 358
Vetelia, 344
Veturia, 346, 348

Vetusius, C. 278 ; T., 306, 314, 320
VTica Pota, 242
Viminalis, collis, 154
Vindicius, 234

Vitellii, 22S, 240 ; Vitellius. T„

228 ; Tib., 228
Volcanus, 134

Volero, see Publilius ; Volerones,
416

Volesus, 202, 204

Volsci, 182, et passim ; Volsci
Antiates, 328 ; Volscum bellum.
414 ; Volscus ager, 418 ; Ecetrani
Volsci, 298

Volumnia, 346

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